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| Identifier: | 03ANKARA2243 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 03ANKARA2243 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Ankara |
| Created: | 2003-04-07 14:40:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | EFIN EAID PREL TU |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. 071440Z Apr 03
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 ANKARA 002243 SIPDIS STATE FOR E, P, EB AND EUR/SE TREASURY FOR U/S TAYLOR AND OASIA - MILLS AND LEICHTER NSC FOR EDSON, FRIED, QUANRUD AND BRYZA E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/07/2013 TAGS: EFIN, EAID, PREL, TU SUBJECT: TRANCHING AND CONDITIONING OF U.S. ASSISTANCE TO TURKEY (U) Classified by Ambassador W. Robert Pearson. Reasons: 1.5(b,d). 1. (C) Assuming Congress approves $1 billion in ESF assistance for Turkey, we expect the Turkish Government to leverage that money into the largest possible package -- $8.5 billion in long-term loans. Prime Minister Erdogan has stated this intention publicly, and numerous lower level officials have confirmed it. 2. (C) We understand Washington agencies are considering how best to tranche and condition this assistance so that it both enables Turkey to minimize the risk of short-term financial instability and provides the strongest possible incentive for the government to implement the sound policies necessary for medium and long-term growth and debt sustainability. (Normally, we would link disbursements to a financing gap. In this case, there may be a balance of payments gap, but the more urgent issue is a possible budget gap. Unfortunately, since that gap depends so much on market sentiment (and thus interest rates), it is impossible to say now how large it will be.) 3. (C) From our perspective, it would be wise to spread the disbursements out in four equal tranches, over 18 months, and to link them as closely as possible to IMF and World Bank programs. Here's why: -- This government has clearly demonstrated that it will only implement sound policies and structural reforms when it is under clear pressure from its debt structure, the markets, the IFIs or other international authorities, and that -- when it comes to meeting IMF or World Bank conditions -- it will delay policy decisions and implementation until the last possible moment before a disbursement. We can assume the government will do little that is positive in between IMF/WB/USG reviews and disbursements, so it is in our interest not to allow too much time between those disbursements; -- Providing the assistance in less than four disbursements would reduce the pressure on the GOT to perform. First, it would suggest a large initial disbursement of nearly $3 billion (assuming three disbursements) -- enough in our view to encourage GOT complacency. Second, it would mean at least a nine-month gap between disbursements. Given the way this government works, that would effectively mean no pressure to perform (beyond the quarterly IMF reviews) for 6-8 months at a stretch; -- Although it is not practical for the U.S. to review and disburse on a quarterly basis, we could manage semi-annual disbursements while also using the IMF's quarterly reviews as a proxy. We might, for example, make clear to the GOT that its successful completion of the 5th and 6th IMF reviews (scheduled for August and October 2003) will be of paramount importance in our decision about whether and when to release our next tranche of assistance. Such an approach would give added weight to IMF performance criteria and maintain the pressure on the GOT to perform, while still preserving our ability to make independent disbursement decisions, including by being firmer or more lenient than the IMF on specific structural reforms; -- An explicit, close IMF link will enhance market confidence, given the nearly complete lack of investor confidence in this government's economic policies; -- While some may argue that Turkey needs a larger up-front disbursement to calm financial markets, our sense from talking to the investment community is that it is sound government policy -- much more than additional international borrowing -- that is key to short-term stability. Moreover, investors tell us that it is the fact of U.S. support, not the absolute amounts, that has bolstered confidence in recent days. -- The IMF program is scheduled to last another 18 months, which matches nicely with what we understand to be the period of disbursement for our assistance. 4. (C) The GOT is likely to press for more money up-front and for less IMF-related conditionality. Again, from our perspective, we have no reason to make concessions on these points. A disbursement schedule that spreads the assistance out evenly over time and is closely linked to performance under the IMF-backed program is far more likely to be effective than the approach the GOT no doubt would favor. PEARSON
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