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| Identifier: | 03RANGOON16 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 03RANGOON16 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Rangoon |
| Created: | 2003-01-06 07:24:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV PREL BM NLD |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 RANGOON 000016 SIPDIS STATE FOR EAP/BCLTV USCINCPAC FOR FPA E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/05/2013 TAGS: PGOV, PREL, BM, NLD SUBJECT: BURMA'S INDEPENDENCE DAY; THE NLD CALLS FOR DIALOGUE; THE GOB FOR DISCIPLINE REF: 02 RANGOON 1663 Classified By: COM Carmen M. Martinez. Reason: 1.5 (d). 1. (C) Summary: Burma's January 4 Independence Day celebrations produced no new gestures of reconciliation and perhaps a slight hardening of positions on both sides. The National League for Democracy called for an end to political oppression, the release of all political prisoners, and the initiation of a "real" political dialogue on constitutional issues. It also indicated that there was no room for any reciprocal, confidence-building gestures from the NLD until a real political dialogue was started. The government rejected international criticism of the harassment to which Aung San Suu Kyi had been subjected in Rakhine State and called on all parties to "play by the prevailing rules and regulations." It also focused its Independence Day speeches almost exclusively on history and the economy, saying nothing at all about political transition. End Summary. NLD Celebration 2. (U) The NLD celebration took place as usual before a crowd of about 500, including ethnic representatives (mostly members of the Committee to Represent the People's Parliament), diplomats from most Western embassies and Japan, and representatives of the UN agencies. The highlight was the presentation of a new party resolution which reaffirmed the party's willingness to work cooperatively with the military on political transition, but which also condemned the continuing political oppression in Burma and called for the start of a "real dialogue" on constitutional issues. Until that dialogue started, the resolution said, the party would stand by its current positions. It would demand that the results of the 1990 election be implemented and would refuse to attend the National Convention convened by the SPDC to draft a new constitution. It would also continue to hold to its current position on aid: aid should be granted to Burma only for humanitarian purposes and then only under conditions that would ensure that it was "transparent, accountable, and independently monitored." In her oral remarks, ASSK added a call for selfless dedication to the party. If the party was rent by the pursuit of individual ambition, it would inevitably dissolve. The GOB Celebrations 3. (U) The GOB itself had nothing to say about democracy or political transition in any of its official Independence Day messages. Delivered before the usual crowds of thousands, those speeches focused almost exclusively on history and the economy, and the current need for austerity. There was not a word about democracy or political transition. Moreover, in a statement released that same day, the GOB rejected international criticism of the harassment the NLD encountered in Rakhine State (reftel) and called on all political parties "to play by the rules and regulations of the political game." The local authorities in Rakhine State, the GOB said, were only applying the law and, in particular, the current ban on all outdoor political rallies. Other Groups 4. (U) Two other groups also chimed in with political statements. U Tha Gyaw, the Chairman of the National Unity Party, which is basically the reincarnation of Ne Win's old Burma Socialist Program Party, called for a multiparty democracy. Similarly, at an event attended by ASSK and other NLD leaders, the Veteran Politicians Group (basically General Aung San and Ne Win's contemporaries) called for the SPDC and the NLD to start "a meaningful political dialogue at the earliest possible moment." Comment 5. (C) Independence Day may not have produced any progress on political transition, but it at least produced some clarity regarding both sides' positions. ASSK has been saying for some time that the period of confidence-building is over. From the party's Independence Day resolution, it is now clear what she means by that: until a "real dialogue" has begun, there is no room for reciprocal gestures by the NLD (e.g. calling for additional aid or any easing of sanctions). Evidently, the NLD has come to the decision that it has few cards to play and cannot play any of those cards prematurely. Once there is a real prospect for change; i.e., some real dialogue with the government, then the NLD can call for some relaxation of the current pressure. Until that point is reached, however, the party (or at least ASSK) now apparently believes that the best counsel is simply to hold firm. 6. (C) The GOB meanwhile has laid down some markers of its own, cautioning the NLD not to abuse the political freedoms it's been given. The "evolving political transition in Myanmar will continue unabated, provided that political parties also play by the prevailing rules and regulations of the political game." The hint is that the government will react firmly to any efforts to provoke unrest or confrontation. 7. (C) Finally, the positions of the NUP and the veteran politicians are both interesting. The NUP has always been one of the props of the regime. That it is now choosing to come down publicly in favor of multiparty democracy is a strong indication of the direction in which it sees the political winds blowing. Similarly, the Veteran Politicians Group has long called for dialogue. This is the first time, however, that it has issued that call in company with the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi. End Comment. Martinez
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