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| Identifier: | 05SANAA3231 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05SANAA3231 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Sanaa |
| Created: | 2005-11-14 13:09:00 |
| Classification: | SECRET |
| Tags: | PTER PREL MASS MARR OVIP YM COUNTER TERRORISM |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 SANAA 003231 SIPDIS FOR GENERAL ABIZAID FROM THE CHARGE D'AFFAIRES E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/13/2025 TAGS: PTER, PREL, MASS, MARR, OVIP, YM, COUNTER TERRORISM SUBJECT: SCENESETTER FOR GENERAL ABIZAID'S VISIT TO YEMEN Classified By: CDA NABEEL KHOURY, FOR REASONS 1.4 (B) AND (D). 1. (C) Welcome back to Sanaa. Although Yemen remains an important regional partner in the GWOT with a post-9/11 string of CT successes, cooperation on this front has not been perfect -- a point that was made clear to President Saleh during his visit to Washington last week. You will be the first high-level U.S. official Saleh will meet after his departure from the United States, and, although the tone of his meetings with senior officials was generally positive, he will likely express some disappointment that his visit did not generate a coordinated effort to move the U.S.-Yemeni relationship to the strategic level he would like. The reality is, however, that the Republic of Yemen Government (ROYG) will need to do more in many areas, particularly in CT cooperation, in order to raise our relationship to a higher level. 2. (C) Your visit comes against the backdrop of the beginning of the campaign season for Yemen's presidential and local council elections, which are scheduled to take place next year. Saleh has announced that he will not seek a third term, but most observers expect the ruling party to formally nominate him at their general conference in December -- and for Saleh to reluctantly accept. At that point, Saleh is expected to name a caretaker cabinet until the elections, a long overdue move that will alter the political landscape, but will not likely have a major impact on the ROYG's foreign, defense or CT policies. 3. (C) With regard to the U.S.-Yemeni security relationship, there are several items we can list on the positive side of the ledger. For example, the USG and the ROYG have succeeded in creating out of whole cloth Yemen's two premier CT forces since 2001: the Central Security Forces - Counter Terrorism Unit (CSF-CTU) and the Yemen Coast Guard (YCG) within the Ministry of Interior (MOI). With USG training and equipment, CSF-CTU and YCG have become capable and professional forces that have already logged notable successes in a short period of time. The ROYG has stepped up its own efforts against terrorist cells, leading to significant arrests over the past few months. 4. (C) Spurred on by MOI's successes, the Ministry of Defense (MOD) has recently moved to expand and normalize its cooperation with Embassy military offices. Despite a slow start as they learned the intricacies of the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) program, MOD is beginning to use FMF funds more effectively to purchase spare parts, training, and other items. We are encouraged by the MOD's recent submission of a 3-5 year CT and Border Security Plan, and the establishment of an MOD Working Group, to help focus FMF resources on shared areas of interest. 5. (C) Despite continuing difficulties in obtaining access to the Yemeni Special Operations Forces (YSOF), there have been improvements in cooperation between YSOF and CSF-CTU. CJTF-HOA's Special Operations Forces Liaison Element - Yemen (SOFLE-Y) coordinated joint YSOF and CSF-CTU platoon/squad training, and two YSOF observers accompanied the CSF-CTU fly-away training mission to Djibouti in August. 6. (C) Civil Affairs/Civil-Military Operations, conducted by CJTF HOA elements, have also increased sharply over the past year. Only one project had been implemented as of February 2005, but as of today four projects have been completed, six are underway, and many more are planned for 2006. 7. (S) The ROYG has also taken measures to stem the flow of fighters to Iraq. These include stopping at the airport young, single men who are bound for Saudi Arabia, Syria or the UAE, and interviewing them. Many of those stopped for questioning are ultimately barred from leaving the country. 8. (C) Despite these positive developments, there remain several obstacles to building a stronger CT partnership. Chief among these is the proliferation of Small Arms/Light Weapons (SA/LW), which remains an important and growing threat to regional security that Saleh is reluctant to address. The President has yet to follow through on a private promise in April -- made public just before his visit to Washington -- that only ROYG procurement officials would be authorized to purchase weapons abroad and that the private importation of arms would be criminalized. 9. (C) Saleh told Washington officials last week that an upcoming weapons purchase from Ukraine is the last transfer through private brokers in the pipeline, and that after the conclusion of this deal, he would implement Yemen's new policy. At our insistence, Saleh has made his commitment on the arms trade public. There is still no evidence, however, that the arms dealers have received the message. Despite persistent high-level offers of assistance, Saleh has failed thus far to create a weapons inventory system -- ulltimately the best way to verify how imported weapons are being used. 10. (C) A major underlying factor complicating our CT cooperation is the delicate balancing act that Saleh has been performing between competing interests for decades. He clearly recognizes the threat terrorist elements pose to regime stability and is appreciative of USG support to strengthen the security forces. At the same time, he is careful not to provoke arms dealers, tribal leaders, islamists and others who oppose closer ties to the United States. Saleh maintains power through a complex network of deals and alliances, and has been less than enthusiastic about engaging in more comprehensive and consistent bilateral cooperation that could threaten that precarious network. 11. (C) Saleh's primary method of influence over the other power centers in Yemen -- the tribes and the military -- is a system of opaque, off-the-books financial patronage. Decades of this practice have fostered a culture of corruption at all levels of the ROYG, and is itself beginning to pose a threat to stability. International donors' efforts in most areas have been hampered by corruption, leaving most Yemenis in the same grinding poverty that has always plagued the country. Yemen is facing a looming social crisis, as the country continues to suffer from one of the highest birth rates in the world, and more than 47 percent of its population is currently under the age of 15. 12. (C) Ordinary Yemenis are having increasing difficulty coping with the economic suffering brought on by high inflation and reductions in government subsidies. At the same time, grand corruption, diminishing oil reserves, and meager outside investment have severely limited the ROYG's ability to respond to these hardships and Yemenis have resorted to violence to express their frustrations. The second al-Houthi rebellion in Saada earlier this year -- which was eventually put down by CSF-CTU and other forces -- and riots in which dozens died, sparked by the reduction of fuel subsidies in August, portend an uncertain future for Yemen's internal social stability absent the undertaking of a major reform program. 13. (C) Despite nearly 30 years in power and a certain amount of tolerance for democratic dissent not seen in other countries in the region, Saleh has yet to demonstrate a long-term vision for addressing Yemen's economic woes. This is particularly concerning at a time when the Yemeni state is on the brink of failure -- a sobering prospect with serious implications for regional stability and the GWOT. If Saleh's greatest achievement -- the stability and unity of the country -- is to survive beyond his rule, he must take bold steps to strengthen and reform Yemen's military, democratic, and financial institutions. One important step in this direction is a closer CT partnership with the United States that is characterized by routine access and cooperation at all levels. 14. (C) Your meeting with the President will offer an important opportunity to firmly reinforce the message he heard in Washington about the need for better cooperation on CT efforts to safeguard Yemen's stability. Previous U.S.-Yemeni CT cooperation offers a good foundation, and Saleh will argue that the record shows that he has responded to every request the USG has made of him. What he does not yet seem to understand is that true partners do not wait to be asked or cajoled. It is critical that Yemen make the transition from ad hoc cooperation to a fully developed partnership. In the past, Saleh has done enough, relative to his neighbors, to remain in our good graces. With Yemen facing a looming economic and social crisis, however, words and occasional progress will no longer suffice. If Yemen continues to merely tread water, it will drown -- with serious consequences for regional and international security. 15. (S) Suggested talking points for your meeting with the President: -- Congratulations on your recent successful visits to the United States, Japan and France. I am visiting Yemen to review our impressive achievements together and to ask your views on ways we can attain an even higher level of strategic engagement. -- As we continue to fight hand-in-hand against terrorists who want to bring harm to Yemen, we must also recognize the threat posed by the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons. For your country's interests and ours, the arms trade in Yemen must end. -- As you know, weapons of Yemeni origin have found their way into the hands of terrorists. Your public and private assurances that only government officials will be allowed to buy weapons abroad are encouraging. -- Without a viable weapons inventory system, however, it will be difficult to assess the impact of your new policy. CENTCOM stands ready to assist you in creating an inventory system so that we can both be sure that weapons are being put in the right hands. -- Equally dangerous for both of our countries is the problem of foreign fighters in Iraq. I commend you for the measures you have taken to help stem the flow of young Yemenis to Iraq, but I strongly urge you to redouble your efforts. -- Those fighters who are not killed in Iraq may return to Yemen with greater ability to harm the Yemeni people and your government. CENTCOM is ready to help you in addressing this problem, because it is as threatening for U.S. national security as it is for yours. -- As we move forward on our cooperation, we can point to many successes. One example is the Yemeni Coast Guard. With our assistance and your determination, you now have a force capable of protecting your key ports. -- We look forward to helping to expand their operations and provide protection for the Safer Oil Terminal and the terminal in al-Sahir. I urge you to make it a top priority to support the Coast Guard in this endeavor to protect all of Yemen's shores. -- We look forward to building a close relationship with MOD forces, as well. MOD's 3-5 year plan provides an important blueprint and MOD Working Group meetings help us to focus our assistance, and we hope that this will lead to direct engagement between our military trainers and MOD personnel, particularly the Special Operations Forces. Khoury
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