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| Identifier: | 05ISLAMABAD15463 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05ISLAMABAD15463 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Islamabad |
| Created: | 2005-10-14 09:54:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV EAID MASS PK |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 ISLAMABAD 015463 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/13/2015 TAGS: PGOV, EAID, MASS, PK SUBJECT: POLITICAL FALLOUT FROM DISASTER RESPONSE REF: ISLAMABAD 15316 Classified By: Derived from DSCG 05-01, d 1. (C) Summary: The GOP and the Pakistan military have faced substantial media and public criticism, much of it unjustified, for their perceived ineffectiveness in earthquake response. Musharraf's public address on October 12, a damage control exercise, was overshadowed by continued media images, interviews, and commentary on victims who are still without meaningful assistance. The opposition parties, sensing a vulnerability, have joined the attacks and sought to portray themselves as constructive players in national relief efforts. With damage concentrated in Azad Kashmir and North West Frontier Province (NWFP), there is a near term possibility that resentment at the central government may fuel the Kashmiri independence movement and Pashtun nationalist calls for increased provincial autonomy. Over the medium-term, however, if reconstruction efforts are adequately funded and executed in these areas, government authority and credibility may be enhanced. End Summary. 2. (C) International aid agencies and NGOs believe that the GOP and the Pakistan military have conducted a largely credible relief operation despite significant logistical challenges and infrastructure limitations. This assessment is not widely shared in the Pakistani public or media. Images and stories of victims in dire need continue to flood the pages and television screens of an increasingly skeptical public. Reported verbal abuse of Pakistani military and government personnel arriving in affected villages, coupled with stories and images of desparate survivors looting relief convoys and distribution points, adds to the perception of government paralysis. The media has been demonstrating that it is completely free, but less than fully responsible. For example, local journalists stationed at Chaklala Airbase in Islamabad report a chaotic scene, with the Pakistani military unable to prioritize assistance missions for timely delivery of aid and no visible decisionmaking chain-of-command. In fact, the whole operation at Chaklala is running well, as the international media seems to be portraying today. The absence of an effective media/public relations strategy within the GOP, coupled with the military's long-standing reluctance to provide operational information to journalists, plays into the hands of critics. The Ambassador joined the Pakistan Army's air chief at Chaklala this morning for a Pakistan TV interview to set the record straight. 3. (C) To blunt criticism of GOP relief operations, President Musharraf addressed the nation on October 13. While the speech contained some detail on military relief operations and praised international donor assistance, most commentators remained unmoved. Media analysts charged that Musharraf came across as defensive when he articulated logistical challenges in aid delivery and appeared to open the military to additional criticism when he stated that 72-hours had been necessary to arrange for full mobilization. 4. (C) Nevertheless, Musharraf himself has been generally viewed in a favorable light during the crisis. He continues to project an aura of leadership in meetings with foreign officials and relief workers and during well-publicized tours of the earthquake zone. His astute political decision to create, in relatively short order, military and civilian relief cells that answer to others in the GOP, may allow him to shift future blame to other institutions, particularly the Prime Minister's Office and the military command. 5. (C) Prime Minister Aziz's image has suffered, despite tours of the earthquake zone and significant personal monetary donations. Aziz lacks the leadership persona of Musharraf and has frequently seemed overwhelmed. The Prime Minister is not helped by a bureaucracy that has done little other than designing numerous organigrams for relief operations and establishing multiple cabinet-level relief committees, few of which have delivered results. The public perception has been of a Prime Minister (and government) involved in endless meetings while victims suffer. Aziz, who has faced opposition within his party and government almost from the day he assumed office, may well end up as the government's scapegoat. 6. (C) The public welcomed the decision to appoint the military as lead agency for disaster response, but had unrealistic expectations of its capabilities. (Note: The military has always enjoyed a much higher level of trust than the civilian bureaucracy.) The slow pace of relief delivery, an inevitable result of the scope of the disaster and the inaccessability of the terrain, undermined confidence. Military personnel in the disaster zone have been verbally abused, and commanders are under constant media scrutiny. General Farooq, the military's Disaster Relief Coordinator has explained publicly and privately that the area of devestation coincided with the area of the army's deployment in Kashmir leading to significant military casualties that hindered its rapid response capability. 7. (C) The media has carried positive stories of the opposition (both secular and Islamist) dispatching relief supplies and assistance teams to the affected areas. The decision to conduct relief efforts independently through the parties' existing charitable foundations arguably sacrifices efficiency in an effort to gain political advantage. In contrast, the ruling Pakistan Muslim League's decision to focus its efforts on the President's Relief Fund has inextricably linked its efforts with the GOP. The opposition's decision to refrain from vocal criticism of GOP efforts has allowed its leadership to appear constructive players. NWFP Chief Minister Durrani's decision to attend, for the first time, the National Security Council meeting on October 12 to discuss earthquake relief allowed parties to seem above partisan squabbling. 8. (C) Comment: The most severely earthquake-impacted areas, Kashmir and the NWFP, viewed themselves as isolated from the central government prior to this tragedy. The GOP has steadfastly maintained the fiction of an autonomous Azad Kashmir government and in the NWFP calls for increased political autonomy are a well-established tradition. In the near-term, public unhappiness over the relief effort could fuel both Pashtun and Kashmiri nationalist movements and give additional platforms to their principal advocates the Awami National Party (ANP), the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazlur Rehman, and the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front. However, over the medium term, if reconstruction efforts are adequately funded and executed, the GOP is likely to weather the storm and may come out ahead. Indeed, a massive, GOP-led reconstruction effort could ultimately help bind both regions more tightly to Pakistan. End Comment. CROCKER
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