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| Identifier: | 05NEWDELHI7767 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05NEWDELHI7767 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy New Delhi |
| Created: | 2005-10-05 13:11:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PREL PGOV PTER BD PK NP IN External Political Relations |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 NEW DELHI 007767 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/05/2015 TAGS: PREL, PGOV, PTER, BD, PK, NP, IN, External Political Relations SUBJECT: SECOND ANNUAL SOUTH ASIA POLITICAL REPORTING OFFICERS' CONFERENCE SHEDS LIGHT ON REGIONAL ISSUES Classified By: DCM Robert O. Blake, Jr. for Reasons 1.4 (B, D) 1. (U) Summary: The September 29 South Asia Political Reporting Officers' Conference in New Delhi brought together almost 50 officers and FSNs from Indian consulates, South Asian countries, the broader region and Washington to discuss recent developments. Participants discussed the July 18 Indo-US Joint Statement and its effects, the Indo-Pak peace process, situations in Nepal and Bangladesh, and India's internal affairs. In a presentation on the recent "India Today" poll of public opinion around the country, Managing Editor Raj Chengappa explored India's changing foreign policy and the public's confidence in the country's emerging status as a world power. Input from representatives from as far as Dushanbe and Dubai was helpful in understanding how growing US-India ties and other regional issues are affecting the South Asian neighborhood and beyond. The conference was an excellent opportunity to network and build linkages to help advance American policy. Embassy New Delhi thanks all who attended for the quality and sophistication they brought to our annual review of reporting issues. End Summary. US-India Relations Grow as India Seeks Superpower Status --------------------------------------------- ------------ 2. (U) New Delhi PolCouns opened the conference by pointing to the changing focus of geopolitics from Europe towards Asia -- a phenomenon that the Secretary and others have cited to explain our India initiative. The simultaneous commitment from Indian and US leaderships to move the bilateral relationship ahead was crucial to conclude the POTUS-PM Singh July 18th Joint Statement and the agreement on civil nuclear energy. Participants agreed that stronger US-India ties reflected increased people-to-people contacts, economic incentives and opportunities, and converging interests on terrorism and non-proliferation. A recent Pew Global Attitudes Project survey found that 71 percent of Indians have a positive opinion of the US (compared with 54 percent three years ago). India's economic growth has also given it greater confidence and resources to engage in world affairs, resulting in a more equal relationship with the US and increased scope for cooperation. 3. (C) "India Today" Managing Editor Raj Chengappa summarized India's evolving foreign policy and the results of a September 2005 CNN/India Today poll on India's emerging status. Chengappa emphasized that the July 18th US-Indo civilian nuclear agreement and India's recent IAEA vote against Iran are signs that the GOI is "unveiling a new foreign policy world view. India no longer wants to be "Mr. Third World," and instead is "aggressively and pragmatically pursuing its national interests in order to become a global player." Another poll commissioned by Time Magazine reported that 75 percent of Indians think that India will become a superpower within 25 years. In order to achieve this status, India Today found 30 percent of people think India should pay greater attention to international trade. After building trade, infrastructure and domestic productivity, respondents listed closer ties with the US as the fourth most important method to achieving superpower status. Chengappa warned the conference not to let the pace of Indo-US ties slow down. It is important to "quickly cross the nuclear hurdles," he observed, because expectations about the benefits of the civil nuclear agreement are rising. South Asia Apprehensive About Rising India ------------------------------------------ 4. (U) India's striving for a larger role in South Asia has created new opportunities for US-Indo cooperation but also led to apprehension from India's neighbors. In a discussion on India's regional relationships, some of our conclusions were: -- Indians view their country's growing role in South Asia as a natural one, but some think India should "talk tough" while others see the benefits of engagement and economic integration. It is still unclear which course India will take to cope with emerging challenges in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. -- Nepal and Afghanistan have presented new opportunities for US-India cooperation. Through information sharing and policy coordination, both sides have taken each other's concerns into account to work towards common objectives. -- India's neighbors can feel the GOI spreading out its wings, and many are apprehensive about India's interests and sheer influence in the region. -- Dhaka perceives Delhi as a bully, and many Bangladeshis feel a "me too" jealousy about growing Indo-US relations. -- In Pakistan, leaders cast a wary eye at the US building a permanent partnership with Delhi and worry that, by comparison, the US has short-term interests in Pakistan which are based only on its role in the war on terror. Indo-Pak Process Still on Track ------------------------------- 5. (C) Despite a sour meeting along the sidelines of UNGA, participants agreed that both PM Singh and President Musharraf are still personally committed to moving the peace process forward. Other observations include: -- Indian politics towards Pakistan have fundamentally changed, as the public wants more cross border trade and people to people contacts. Pakistan-bashing does not bring in the votes like it used to. -- The Pakistani economy is growing and Pakistanis are also pushing for more economic opportunities to take advantage of rising Indian prosperity. These trends support the logic behind PM Singh's "soft borders" process. -- In Pakistan, the perception is that there is a window of opportunity before elections in 2007. However, the Indian side is not able to digest a solution to Kashmir on such a short time frame nor do elites envision radical solutions. -- The Indian leadership realizes that the time for progress has come, but worries the BJP and the bureaucracy will attack any concessions the GOI makes to Pakistan. -- Kashmiri "fence sitters" with a vested financial interest in the status quo are stalling progress by remaining disengaged or working against the peace process. Situations Deteriorate in Nepal and Bangladesh --------------------------------------------- -- 6. (C) Despite positive Indo-US cooperation in Nepal, the King has refused to reach out to the political parties. Participants agreed that: -- It is critical that the King reach out to the parties before November, when the political parties may consider greater cooperation with the Maoists. -- The King believes that if the Maoists grow stronger and threaten the monarchy, India and the US will ultimately come to his rescue. -- Although US-Indo cooperation on Nepal has been a good experience, the GOI has also not been able to influence the King to move towards democracy. 7. (C) Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh is raising concerns in India, Britain, and among the donor countries. Participants worried that: -- If bombings in Dhaka continue, security concerns could endanger the November 12-13 SAARC meeting. -- In Delhi and Calcutta, Indians are increasingly worried about Bangladeshi migrants and madrassas along the border. -- Many in India are urging the US to "do something" about Bangladesh. Indian cooperation with the GOB is complicated by the perception that the GOI supports the Awami League, in addition to disagreements over security and border issues, water sharing and trade. India's Internal Affairs ------------------------ 8. (U) Participants discussed BJP and Congress ideology, trends in Indian politics and the chances of the UPA government holding together until 2008. Our key conclusions are: -- The BJP and Congress parties lack cohesive, overarching ideologies or programs. This is partially explained by the local focus of Indian politics, the economic, ethnic and other disparities between states, the lack of a strong opposition (regardless of who is in power), and ideologies which are brought out to gain votes but put away to rule. -- As a result of shifting loyalties and opportunism in parliamentary politics, it is difficult to say with great certainty that the Singh government will last a full term. -- Irreversible trends including liberal economic reforms (at an undecided pace), democratic decentralization, social empowerment, and stronger US-Indo relations, will continue, regardless of who is in power. -- The BJP remains embroiled in its own internal debate over the role of Hindutva. Even the RSS sees that Hindutva doesn't provide the same electoral payoffs, and the BJP needs to find a new issue that transcends caste and religion. -- Congress also has its factions, including a modern, reformist block, a populist group using patronage and employment guarantees to rebuild the party base, and an ideological clan still stuck on ideas of a socialist economy. 9. (U) A few observations on the Left Parties and the Naxalites include: -- The Left in West Bengal favor economic modernization but are the loudest critics of Indo-US cooperation. These economic views clash with Marxists in the central leadership, which take a stronger anti-globalization stance. -- In the Communist strongholds of Kerala and West Bengal, the Left parties are seen as the only non-corrupt alternative. -- States with the worst governance present the best opportunities for the Naxalites to fill the governmental vacuum, channel people's anger, and frame the problem in terms of class conflict. This also primes the people to switch their allegiance from the Naxalites to the Communists should the insurgencies run out of steam. -- Although the number of Naxalites is low, the states have been unable to deal with the Naxalite problem, and are only now starting to call in the central government for assistance. 10. (U) In a presentation on human rights, participants pointed out that: -- Factors encouraging an improvement in human rights in India include the UPA government, which is more inclusive than the BJP, an active NGO community, sound human rights laws, and a free press. -- However, discrimination against women, children and low castes remains prevalent. Another major challenge in India is GOI sensitivity to taking US funding for human rights activities. -- USG policy should try to empower those individuals fighting for improvements in human rights using the advantages of India's democratic system. -- Two regional human trafficking challenges in South Asia are cross-border trafficking of women and children and camel jockey trafficking. 11. (U) Comment: At the second annual South Asia Political Reporting Officers' Conference, a diverse group of officers and FSNs working all over the broader region met, analyzed issues, put faces to names and networked. Most importantly, we forged new bonds that will help us address US policy challenges. Embassy New Delhi thanks all the participants for their attendance and cooperation at a successful conference. End Comment. 12. (U) Visit New Delhi's Classified Website: (http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/sa/newdelhi/) Mulford
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