Disclaimer: This site has been first put up 15 years ago. Since then I would probably do a couple things differently, but because I've noticed this site had been linked from news outlets, PhD theses and peer rewieved papers and because I really hate the concept of "digital dark age" I've decided to put it back up. There's no chance it can produce any harm now.
| Identifier: | 05ABUJA1703 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05ABUJA1703 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Abuja |
| Created: | 2005-09-13 09:45:00 |
| Classification: | SECRET |
| Tags: | PGOV PREL KDEM OPRC NI THIRDTERM |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. 130945Z Sep 05
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 02 ABUJA 001703 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/12/2015 TAGS: PGOV, PREL, KDEM, OPRC, NI, THIRDTERM SUBJECT: NIGERIA: UK PROPOSED PRESS GUIDANCE ON A PRESIDENTIAL THIRD TERM REF: LAGOS 1363 Classified By: Ambassador John Campbell for Reasons 1.4 (b) & (d). 1. (U) Action Request Para 11. 2. (S) SUMMARY: Despite repeated public denials and constitutionally mandated term limits, President Obasanjo's alleged aspiration to a third term has become a lightening rod among the political elites. The British High Commission proposes a common, public position affirming the international community's opposition to unconstitutional change in Nigeria. Timing such a statement requires careful consideration. Made now, the President will likely see it as a gratuitous slap in the face despite his feeling that he has done much to carry our water in Africa and many in political class will see it as an erosion of U.S. support. Instead, we recommend the Department go on record in support of constitutionality and the rule of law during this pre-election period and recommend that we continue to reiterate our support for the rule of law in public. Privately with the President, we should stress restoration of civilian government and the transfer of power between different civilian administrations as central to his legacy. End Summary. 3. (C) Septel reports the growing rift between President Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku, at base over the President's alleged aspirations to a third term. The President's relations with Ibrahim Babangida, former military ruler and leading presidential candidate, are also deteriorating over the same issue. Recent newspaper coverage highlighted a possible split in the ruling PDP between the followers of the President and the Vice President. While such a split could acquire a North/South, Muslim/Christian complexion, it has not so far. Meanwhile, the President continues to deny in public any intentions to do anything that contravenes the constitution which, in its current form, prohibits a third term. However, he continues to manipulate the PDP machinery contrary to party rules in a way that appears to keep open that option. The result is near-universal skepticism about the President's intentions, even within his own circle. This Mission's current view is that Obasanjo is personally undecided about a third term, and he is searching for a candidate who would preserve his reform legacy should the third term option founder. Whatever his personal motivation, people around him are urging him to keep his options open should no other "satisfactory" presidential candidate appear. 4. (C) Conventional wisdom is that with the end of the Political Reform Conference, it is too late to amend the constitution to extend his current term of office. However, Nigeria's constitution is only seven years old, and the Supreme Court demonstrated in the Buhari case that it is prepared to do the government's bidding, at least in certain circumstances. Therefore, a legal, or more likely, quasi-legal amendment or interpretation of the constitution that could allow an accelerated amendment process might be possible. 5. (S) This mission's view, apparently shared by the British High Commission, is that an overt effort by President Obasanjo to extend his time in office, whether constitutional or not, will be destabilizing domestically and thereby impact negatively on Nigeria's ability to play its current active, generally positive role on the international stage. However, thus far, the most obvious alternatives to Obasanjo are few: Leading candidates, Buhari and Babangida are both ex-military rulers of Nigeria, the former a byword for authoritarianism and "discipline," the latter for corruption. Former military governor of Lagos Gen. Marwa at present lacks the stature, though recently there was a press boomlet in his favor. In conversations with his former personal lawyer (reftel) Obasanjo ruled out Babangida and Atiku because of their personal corruption and speculated that the small stable of pro-Obasanjo state governors might yield a candidate. While most of them have such aspirations, no governor thus far has acquired national standing. Meanwhile, the Nigerian press is having a field day with the FBI investigation of Atiku; the front page of the Sunday Guardian was dominated by a picture of Atiku's Potomac house 6. (C) The predominately Muslim, Hausa-Fulani dominated North believes itself to be marginalized, impoverished and is deeply hostile to Obasanjo, a Christian Yoruba. Despite widespread resentment, it has remained passive, up to now, in part in anticipation that its turn will come in 2007. The predominately Christian South and the East clamor for the Presidency, but would settle for the Vice Presidency in 2007. Both regions thus oppose extending Obasanjo's tenure, the former because it would mean continued marginalization, the latter because Obasanjo, as a Yoruba Christian, should have a Muslim Vice President from the North or the Middle Belt, blocking Southern and Eastern vice-presidential aspirations. Like the North, though for different reasons, those regions are already thoroughly disaffected from the Obasanjo government, and there are strange manifestations of the old Biafra separatist itch, e.g., the new circulation of the Biafra pound, despite Federal efforts to stop it. In the aftermath of the deeply flawed 2003 elections, there is concern that if he decides to stay in office, Obasanjo will manipulate successfully the electoral process to ensure that outcome, no matter who opposes him on the ballot. Bottom line -- if Obasanjo manipulates the political system to stay, in the current, highly fragile Nigerian polity, there is risk of widespread unrest the center will be unable to contain. 7. (S) This is the context for the British High Commission's proposed "if asked" press guidance. According to the High Commissioner, the FCO has it under consideration, and, he said, the British Embassy in Washington may have already shared it with the Department. His idea is that this guidance, in some form, would be used by the UK, US, French, German, and Canadian Missions here. Though the British draft makes no mention of Obasanjo, any Nigerian will see it as a statement that it would be unacceptable to the donor community for Obasanjo to prolong his power in an unconstitutional or extra-constitutional way. 8. (S) Begin text of British Draft If-Asked Press Guidance -- Any unconstitutional change would be condemned by the international community. -- Constitutional change is a matter for the Nigerian people, but Nigeria's friends would need to be convinced of the reason to change the rules only 7 years into the life of Nigeria's third shot at democracy. Nigerians should carefully note the difference in the international reactions to elections in Uganda and Tanzania. -- Nigeria's friends want to see reform take strong root in Nigeria backed by the checks and balances provided by democracy. Constitutional transfer of power from one government to another is an integral part of the democratic process. 9. (S) Mission Comment on the British text: We see the first and third ticks as conveying the essential message. We do not see the utility of making a comparison with Uganda and Tanzania. We are also uncomfortable with the idea that somehow Nigerians must justify to the outside world a constitutional change -- so long as it is done legally. So, we would drop the second tick. 10. (S) COMMENT, continued: The High Commissioner believes now would be a good time to issue such a statement because President Obasanjo has repeatedly said that he does not intend to remain in office after 2007. We are not so sanguine. The political classes in Nigeria will give such a statement an Obasanjo focus and take it as an erosion of U.S. and Western support for the President. The President may take it as gratuitous, if not a slap in the face, given his reiteration of his previous statements that he will leave office in 2007. Nevertheless, given the President's current maneuvering within the PDP, inconsistent with his stated determination to leave office in 2007, during his upcoming travel to the U.S., it might be wise for senior U.S. interlocutors to reiterate privately that any constitutional change should be made in accordance with the rule of law and the provisions of the Nigerian constitution, and, in public, to emphasize that Obasanjo's legacy includes the restoration and handing over of civilian government in Nigeria. End Comment. 11. (C) ACTION REQUEST: Mission recommends the Department go on record in support of constitutionality and the rule of law during this pre-election period and recommends that we continue to reiterate our support for the rule of law in public. Mission also recommends that we should emphasize restoration of civilian government and the transfer of power between different civilian administrations as central to his legacy privately to President Obasanjo. CAMPBELL
Latest source of this page is cablebrowser-2, released 2011-10-04