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| Identifier: | 02COLOMBO1968 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 02COLOMBO1968 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Colombo |
| Created: | 2002-10-20 07:52:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV PINS PHUM PINR CE Political Parties |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 001968 SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR SA, SA/INS, INR/NESA NSC FOR E. MILLARD LONDON FOR POL/RIEDEL E.O. 12958: DECL: 10-21-12 TAGS: PGOV, PINS, PHUM, PINR, CE, Political Parties SUBJECT: Tumult among small parties undermines effectiveness of governing coalition Refs: (A) FBIS Reston Va DTG 210134Z Oct 02 - (B) FBIS Reston Va DTG 200752Z Oct 02 - (C) Colombo 1942, and previous (U) Classified by Ambassador E. Ashley Wills. Reasons 1.5 (b, d). 1. (C) SUMMARY: The governing United National Party is being buffeted by severe turbulence triggered by unhappy junior coalition partners. The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress is sharply divided over the peace process, for example, while the major party for tea estate Tamils is driving a hard bargain for its continued support. Already on the defensive in its cohabitation battles with the president, the coalition's widening fissures are steadily undermining the effectiveness of the government. END SUMMARY. -------------------------------- UNP: A problem with the Numbers -------------------------------- 2. (C) The governing United National Party (UNP) is experiencing serious problems with its junior partners. (Note: The UNP, in league with other smaller parties, makes up the United National Front, "UNF," governing coalition.) While the largest single party in Parliament with roughly 105 seats, the UNP is several seats short of the 113 seats or more that are needed in the 225-member Parliament for majority status. This fact makes the UNP reliant on the support of its UNF partners, including the five seats held by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and the three seats held by the tea estate Tamil Ceylon Workers Congress, in forming the UNF's current 114 seat majority. (Note: The numbers of seats provided are best estimates: some MPs run on several party tickets, leading to various figures for the total number of SLMC and tea estate Tamil MPs.) Reflecting on the UNP's quandary, Desmond Fernando, a well-known lawyer, recently told us -- "The government is really at the mercy of the SLMC and the tea estate Tamils for its majority." ----------------------------- Fractures in Key Muslim Party ----------------------------- 3. (C) Of the UNP's coalition-related problems, the most serious is with the SLMC, the major Muslim party in the country. Simply put, the SLMC seems to be gradually breaking apart. The main fault line in the party is between those who support the GSL's peace initiative versus those who are against it. While this division has been there since the UNF governing coalition was formed in December 2001, the problem is only getting worse -- and more public. 4. (C) The central player in the intra-SLMC conflict is the party's leader, Rauf Hakeem. Most observers have noted that Hakeem has been flat-out unable to unite all elements of the SLMC in support of his pro-peace process stance. In particular, SLMC MPs (and party faithful) who are from the tense eastern area are up in arms over what they see as Hakeem's failure to protect them from the Tamil Tigers. SLMC members from the east note that Hakeem is not from the east and accuse him of not caring about their problems. (Note: Hakeem is from Kandy in central Sri Lanka.) In making this latter charge, they note that Hakeem recently made a statement indicating that he did not support the idea of forming a separate Muslim administrative unit in the east, a proposal favored by many eastern Muslims. (Note: After a furor erupted over his remarks, Hakeem later backed down -- see Reftel.) Summarizing the SLMC problem, P. Saravanamuttu, the head of a local think-tank, told us that there had been a failure of leadership by Hakeem and there was little sign that he would ever be able to bring the eastern Muslims with him. 5. (C) Aside from the issue of the peace process, there appear to be additional reasons for the split in the SLMC. Milinda Moragoda, the Minister of Economic Reform and a key adviser to the prime minister, told us that many in the SLMC were upset with Hakeem over the way he was handling government "pork." Moragoda said he had heard complaints that Hakeem was distributing goodies he had obtained as minister of ports and shipping to his supporters, and not to others within the party. This was causing serious heartburn to many and contributing to Hakeem's inability to control all elements of the party. -------------------------------------- Tea Estate Tamils at odds with the GSL -------------------------------------- 6. (C) The UNP is also at odds with Sri Lanka's major party for tea estate Tamils, the CWC. While the CWC is strongly in favor of the GSL's peace initiative, friction has emerged over the government's plans to move forward with the "Upper Kotmale Dam" project. (Note: The project involves building a Japanese-funded dam in the hill country of central Sri Lanka.) Karu Jayasuriya, the Minister for Power and the UNP's deputy leader, has underscored that the project is crucial for meeting Sri Lanka's electricity-generating needs, an assessment most neutral observers agree with. 7. (C) A. Thondaman, the chief of the CWC and the Minister for Housing, has angrily attacked the government's plans, however. Thondaman has repeatedly spilled harsh words, asserting that the project will lead to serious environmental degradation and the loss of jobs for tea estate Tamils. He has even threatened to bolt the government over the issue, if necessary, and has been deftly campaigning against the project with important groups outside of his own tea estate Tamil community. Thondaman, for example, recently gained the support of the chief of the important Malwatte sect of the Buddhist clergy to his anti-dam cause. 8. (C) Despite the heat it has been taking, the GSL has indicated that it plans to go forward with the Kotmale project. Jayasuriya, for one, has taken pains to assure Thondaman that the government will do its best to address all environmental and economic concerns. The GSL's efforts seem to be working inasmuch as Thondaman lately seems to be less testy on the subject than in the immediate past. Nonetheless, there is a feeling that Thondaman will continue to be a thorn in the government's side. Making this point, Jehan Perera, the head of the National Peace Council, a local NGO, told us that "He (Thondaman) knows that the UNP needs him and he will press the government for as much in return as he possibly can get whenever he can." ------- COMMENT ------- 9. (C) As reviewed in Reftel, the government is already on the defensive in its cohabitation battles with the president. The fact that the governing coalition itself is coming under increasing centrifugal pressure has further hindered its effectiveness vis-a-vis the president, as well as hurting it as it grapples with other pressing issues. That said, the fragility of the UNP's governing coalition does not mean the government is close to falling, as the UNP in extremis can count on the support of the MPs affiliated with the Tamil parties for now. Down the road, however, as the GSL deals with ever more sensitive issues involving peace and the economy, fractures in the coalition may only widen. Among many in the UNP, the coalition and cohabitation problems are of such magnitude that the PM may well be moved to try to call an election sooner rather than later. END COMMENT. 10. (U) Minimize considered. WILLS
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