US embassy cable - 05CAIRO6991

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 CAIRO 006991 
 
SIPDIS 
 
NSC STAFF FOR POUNDS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/08/2015 
TAGS: PGOV, PREL, KDEM, EG 
SUBJECT: DOMESTIC MONITORS ISSUE PRELIMINARY FINDINGS 
 
REF: A. CAIRO 6200 
     B. CAIRO 6137 
 
Classified by ECPO Minister Counselor Michael Corbin for 
reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). 
 
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Summary 
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1.  (C)  Several Egyptian civil society groups which observed 
the September 7 election have issued preliminary findings. 
Although the election results have not yet been 
announced--and will likely remain unknown until Saturday at 
the earliest--the domestic monitors are wasting no time in 
criticizing the conduct of the elections.  Given the long 
history of adversarial relations between the GOE and some of 
the civil society activists who were key to the monitoring 
effort--as well as the unwillingess of the GOE to clarify 
access rules for domestic monitors until after voting 
began--is not surprising that many of their preliminary 
findings accentuated the negative.  We look forward to 
reviewing the final reports of the civil society monitors, 
carefully reviewing their evidence, and determining how their 
work can support additional democratic reform.  End summary. 
 
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Independent Coalition for the Election Monitoring 
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2.  (SBU)  ICEM, the beneficiary of USAID-funded training 
from the National Democratic Institute and of MEPI funding 
for its September 7 monitoring exercise, has issued a series 
of updates, the most recent at 1400 local time on September 
8.  ICEM noted that its 2,200 domestic observers, organized 
by a coalition of 12 civil society groups, had been pleased 
with the "relative absence of violence" and welcomed the 
cooperation by state security services in ensuring the safety 
of the monitors.  ICEM acknowledged the importance of Egypt's 
first competitive presidential election and welcomed the 
decision by the Presidential Election Commission (PEC), 
shortly after the start of voting on September 7, to admit 
domestic monitors to the polls.  ICEM noted that 
notwithstanding the PEC's decision, many judges and election 
officials refused to allow access by domestic monitors, as 
well as candidate agents, "in a significant number of polling 
stations." 
 
3.  (SBU)  According to ICEM's calculations, voter turnout 
did not exceed 18 percent.  ICEM called attention to 
widespread efforts by NDP activists to convince/pressure 
voters to cast their ballots for Mubarak at the polling 
stations.  Among these efforts was a nationwide distribution 
effort by the NDP of a "Voter's Guide Card."  At many 
stations, NDP officials controlling the desks with the voter 
lists gave approved voters cards, emblazoned with Mubarak's 
campaign photo and logo, which directed voters where to cast 
their votes. 
 
4.  (SBU)  ICEM also saw voter lists with the names of minors 
and dead people, husbands voting for themselves and their 
wives, and NDP activists providing small cash payments to 
voters who supported Mubarak.  ICEM complained that the ink 
used to stain voters' fingers was easily washed off, and 
noted an absence of judges (supervisors) in many rural 
stations.  ICEM noted that none of its monitors were allowed 
to observe vote counting after polls closed at 2200 local on 
September 7.  ICEM asserted that this was a major area of 
concern. 
 
5.  (SBU)  ICEM's preliminary conclusions, which will be 
modified per any relevant developments and presented in a 
formal report shortly after the official results are 
announced, included the following: 
 
--the election administration authority failed to ensure the 
integrity and independence of the process; 
 
--voters did not receive clear information about relevant 
electoral processes, and many remain politically apathetic; 
 
--access by domestic observers needs to be formalized and 
strengthened. 
 
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Egyptian Center for Women's Rights 
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6.  (SBU)  ECWR, which has received several MEPI grants for 
activities other than election monitoring, devoted its 
resources to examining the ways in which women, especially 
poor women, were allegedly organized by the NDP, transported 
en masse to polling stations, and influenced to cast votes in 
favor of Mubarak in a number of locations in greater Cairo 
and in the governorates of Tanta and Assiyut.  ECWR also 
charged that a number of pro-government NGOs focused on 
women's issues used NGO resources to mobilize voters.  If 
true, this would be a violation of the GOE's restrictive NGO 
law.  Among its other assertions, ECWR charged that NDP women 
activists offered bribes/rewards to women who voted for 
Mubarak. 
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Egyptian Association for Democratic Development 
--------------------------------------------- -- 
 
7.  (SBU)  EADD focused its efforts on the Delta and the 
north coast, between Port Said and Marsa Matrouh.  EADD's 
preliminary findings: 
 
--turnout was low; 
 
--pressure by NDP activists on voters to support Mubarak; 
 
--non-resident (and unregistered) voters were sometimes 
allowed to vote for Mubarak; 
 
--exclusive NDP control over voter lists in some areas; 
 
--voting stations situated in police stations; 
 
--the ink used to mark voters' fingers was easily washed off. 
 
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www.shayfeen.com 
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8.  (SBU)  Shayfeen ("We're watching!" in colloquial Egyptian 
Arabic) is an organization that compiles complaints from 
ordinary Egyptians (submitted via phone and email) about the 
electoral process.  As of 1400 on September 8, Shayfeen said 
that it had received hundreds of complaints from Egyptian 
citizens.  Complaints focused on a number of key areas, 
including: 
 
--last minute confusion over voter registration, including 
who was registered and where people were supposed to vote; 
 
--concern that the indelible ink used to mark voters who had 
cast ballots was inconsistently applied and easy to wash off; 
 
--assertions that NDP members dominated many polling stations 
and often tried to sway voters as they cast their ballots; 
 
--assertions that People's Assembly members (i.e., sitting 
parliamentarians) mobilized voters for the NDP through the 
provision of transport and small bribes/threats to win votes 
for Mubarak; 
 
--assertions that the judges supervising some polls refused 
to allow domestic monitors to access the stations, and did 
not open/close the stations at the scheduled times. 
 
9.  (SBU)  Shayfeen did praise the security services for 
their impartiality.  Shayfeen noted that its future plans 
include observation of the parliamentary elections and 
general advocacy of citizens' rights as well as evaluation of 
services provided by the GOE to its citizens. 
 
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Comment 
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(C)  The domestic monitors have already made their presence 
felt.  The GOE has made no comment so far, and it is too 
early for the domestic media to have digested the monitors' 
initial press releases.  Although they may appear simply to 
be the bearers of bad tidings for the GOE's claim that the 
election was free, fair, and transparent, the simple fact 
that domestic monitors have managed to play a major oversight 
role in the election is very good news.  The conditions under 
which they operated were far from ideal, but the relatively 
permissive environment, significant USG funding (for both 
direct costs and capacity building), and the dedication of 
the monitors themselves have resulted in a significant 
development in the Egyptian political scene.  In the run up 
to the parliamentary elections, a key issue will be what type 
of precedent the successful deployment on September 7 of 
civil society monitors throughout Egypt has set.  End comment. 
 
 
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