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| Identifier: | 05PARIS5528 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05PARIS5528 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Paris |
| Created: | 2005-08-16 13:57:00 |
| Classification: | SECRET |
| Tags: | PREL PGOV FR TU EUN |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. 161357Z Aug 05
S E C R E T PARIS 005528
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/16/2015
TAGS: PREL, PGOV, FR, TU, EUN
SUBJECT: EMBASSY PARIS RESPONSE TO ACTION REQUEST ON
TURKEY'S EU ACCESSION
REF: A. STATE 150087
B. PARIS 5471
C. PARIS 5350
D. PARIS 5307
E. ANKARA 4619
Classified By: Political Minister Counselor Josiah Rosenblatt for reaso
ns 1.4 (b) and (d)
1. (C) Post refers Washington to refs B, C and D for its
current analysis of French views and intentions with respect
to the beginning of EU accession negotiations with Turkey on
October 3. We continue to believe that PM de Villepin's
statement on recognition of Cyprus was motivated primarily by
domestic political considerations. At the same time, we
believe the French threat to block the beginning of accession
negotiations must be taken seriously. The studied ambiguity
of Villepin's and others' statements suggests that much will
depend on the eventual line-up of views within the EU. Given
current tensions between France and the UK in the wake of the
May 29 French referendum on the EU constitutional treaty, and
the UK's delicate role as EU Presidency, we judge that
London's influence is extremely limited. The role of the
EU's two most interested partners -- Greece and Cyprus --
could be crucial.
2. (S) For what it is worth, we share the UK Deputy Head of
Mission's analysis (ref E) that the French may intend to use
Villepin's statements as a bargaining chip to seek broader
language on the open-endedness of Turkey's accession process.
For domestic purposes, an indefinite delay in the opening of
accession negotiations through new preconditions would be the
ideal outcome. In practice, the GOF may be willing to settle
for broadening the negotiation mandate over an outright
delay. This could include a demand that the Turks state
early-on their intention to recognize Cyprus, as stated in
the French non-paper circulated in the Greek press. France
may also hope tactically that a broadening of the negotiation
mandate will force the Turks themselves to react in a manner
that could delay the opening of talks (see also ref D). This
would allow France to argue that it is respecting its
previous engagements while shifting the onus to Turkey.
3. (C) We repeat that, based on our soundings to date, the
French position has not yet been fully determined. Our sense
is that our contacts are working on the basis of defending PM
de Villepin's and President Chirac's statements rather than
an articulated policy. That policy will likely be defined by
Villepin personally in coordination with Chirac, which
suggests that France will initially take a very hard line at
the August 24 COREPER meeting and at the September 1-2
Gymnich meeting, and then draw final conclusions.
4. (C) Our British Embassy contacts plan to hold their own
round of consultations with French officials over the next
couple of days. We have set up a meeting for August 18 to
discuss their assessment of the situation.
Hofmann
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