Disclaimer: This site has been first put up 15 years ago. Since then I would probably do a couple things differently, but because I've noticed this site had been linked from news outlets, PhD theses and peer rewieved papers and because I really hate the concept of "digital dark age" I've decided to put it back up. There's no chance it can produce any harm now.
| Identifier: | 05TAIPEI3347 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05TAIPEI3347 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | American Institute Taiwan, Taipei |
| Created: | 2005-08-11 08:43:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV TW Domestic Politics |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. 110843Z Aug 05
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 TAIPEI 003347 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/11/2015 TAGS: PGOV, TW, Domestic Politics SUBJECT: EARLY ASSESSMENT OF DPP STRATEGY AND CHANCES IN YEAR-END LOCAL ELECTIONS Classified By: AIT Director Douglas Paal. Reason(s) 1.4 (B/D). 1. (U) Summary: The ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) views Taipei County as its pivotal battleground in the December city/county chief elections. Even though public opinion polls show, and most political leaders expect, the election will be extremely close, nevertheless, the DPP has effectively ended cooperation with its "Pan-Green" coalition partner, Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU), which could split the Pan-Green vote between the two parties. End summary. 2. (C) Premier Frank Hsieh last week publicly stated that the December 3 local elections appear to be extremely tight and the DPP should not expect to win an overwhelming victory. Thus far, he said, Pan-Green and Pan-Blue candidates are running neck and neck. DPP, he predicted, is unlikely to win Kinmen or Matsu and might even lose one or two of the eight southern Taiwan counties and cities. The party, however, could win one or two other counties currently controlled by the KMT and even the score. The "pivotal" battle, Hsieh stated, will be fought in Taipei County, which the DPP cannot afford to lose. Other DPP members tell AIT that DPP must win Taipei County because of its large population and because the county is currently controlled by the DPP. Losing Taipei County would be widely perceived by the voting public as a vote of no confidence in the DPP as a whole. Even more important, Taipei County's last elected county magistrate was DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang. Consequently, a DPP defeat would be a major blow to Su's hopes to be the DPP presidential candidate in 2008. 3. (C) Political leaders and analysts generally agree with Hsieh's assessment, telling AIT that Taipei County is indeed a DPP must-win. CNA Deputy Director for domestic news Ku Cheng told AIT that Ilan County is also a must-win for the DPP, because it has symbolic value as the hometown of many ruling DPP leaders. At the secondary level, Ku continued, the DPP considers Miaoli County, Hsinchu County and Hsinchu City as its best hopes for expanding its political base in northern Taiwan. Thus, the party is working to gain the support of the politically conservative Hakka community, which constitutes the largest voting block in these three constituencies. With these three elections in mind, the DPP nominated popular Hakka politician Luo Wen-jia as its candidate in the neighbor to the north, Taipei County. 4. (C) Academia Sinica analyst Wu Chung-shu, who has close ties to DPP leaders, told AIT that the DPP will consider it a victory if it can remain as ruling party in Taipei County and if it can increase support from Hakka voters in the northern counties of Miaoli and Hsinchu. Winning over many of the highly independent Hakka voters, he acknowledged, will not be easy. One facet of the DPP's general election strategy, he explained, will be promoting tax reform in the Legislative Yuan (LY) to project an image of DPP as defender of social justice. 5. (C) One strategy the DPP will apparently not employ in December, however, is cooperation with the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU), its Pan-Green coalition partner. Last month, DPP Polling Director Wu Hsiang-jung told AIT that DPP intended to reserve one or two of the 23 city/county chief nominations for TSU. Last week, however, DPP Deputy SecGen Yen Wan-ching told AIT that the DPP has ended its efforts to cooperate with TSU because TSU criticized DPP policies at every turn and constantly threatened to spoil DPP election chances if TSU did not get its way in naming candidates to represent the Pan-Green coalition. TSU legislator George Liu Kuan-ping acknowledged to AIT on August 10 that TSU and DPP are not cooperating at all on the December city/county chief elections, and noted that if TSU fairs badly in the elections, as he expects, that would be "the end of the TSU as a viable party." Liu scornfully pointed out that when TSU SecGen Su Chin-chiang pressed DPP SecGen Su Tseng-chang for cooperation in the elections, DPP Su politely demurred, explaining that while he personally wanted to coordinate with TSU, unfortunately his hands were tied by DPP supporters, who SIPDIS would not tolerate sharing nominations seats. TSU Deputy SecGen Lau Yi-de and TSU LY Cacus leader Lai Hsin-yuan separately confirmed to AIT the total lack of coordination or even contact between DPP and TSU on operational matters. 6. (C) Comment: It is too early to write off DPP-TSU cooperation in the year-end elections, and certainly premature to proclaim the demise of the Pan-Green coalition (though several TSU legislators have told AIT they would consider going with the KMT if the TSU does not survive as a party). While confident that their own candidates can hold their own against TSU competitors in December, moreover, most DPP leaders realize they will need TSU help in the 2008 presidential race. With that in mind, and depending on the competitiveness of their own candidates against the Pan-Blue coalition, DPP leaders in the coming weeks could still accept some TSU candidates as Pan-Green coalition candidates in some locations. 7. (C) While neither the DPP nor the KMT expects a large victory (Ma Ying-jeou said on China Television August 10 that he would consider it a "passing grade" if Pan-Blue wins in 12 of the 23 locations being contested), pressure is on the DPP leadership. As the ruling party it cannot afford missteps between now and the December 3 elections. Another slip-up like the government's continuing failure to restore water supply in Taoyuan County in the wake of last week's Typhoon Haitong, could drive middle-of-the-road voters to the Pan Blue camp. This could be a deciding factor in a tightly contested race. End comment PAAL
Latest source of this page is cablebrowser-2, released 2011-10-04