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| Identifier: | 05TEGUCIGALPA1317 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05TEGUCIGALPA1317 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Tegucigalpa |
| Created: | 2005-06-21 16:36:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | EFIN KJUS PINR ETRD CU CO HO MONY NT |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 TEGUCIGALPA 001317 SIPDIS STATE FOR EB/IFD, WHA/EPSC, AND WHA/CEN E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/21/2015 TAGS: EFIN, KJUS, PINR, ETRD, CU, CO, HO, MONY, NT SUBJECT: HONDURAN STEEL: A FRONT FOR CUBAN MONEY TRANSFERS? Classified By: ECONOMIC CHIEF PATRICK DUNN FOR REASONS 1.4 (B) AND (D). 1. (C) SUMMARY: On May 5, 2005, Mr. Antonio Kattn, owner of Honduran steel company Aceros Alfa, told ECONOFFS that he is facing unfair competition from Cuban government-owned competitor, Aceros Centro Caribe. According to Mr. Kattan, Aceros Centro Caribe is importing production inputs (steel billets) from ACINOX, its Cuban parent company, at below-market prices. Actual market value of the monthly shipments is estimated at $520,000 per month, but they are invoiced at only $380,000, implying a $140,000 per month profit. In addition, Kattan believes that Aceros Centro illegally avoids paying sales tax on these inputs. Moreover, according to Kattan, Aceros Centro Caribe has not paid its monthly invoices of $380,000 since October 2004. It is not clear where these substantial cash revenues are going, or why a GOC firm would willingly continue to absorb such losses. Kattan said that Acinox maintains another subsidiary in Colombia and speculated that there may be narco-trafficking connections between the companies. End Summary. --------------------------------- Tale of two steel companies --------------------------------- 2. (C) On May 5, Mr. Antonio Kattn, one of two owners of Aceros Alfa (one of the largest steel companies in Honduras) met with ECONOFFS to discuss "investment of the Cuban government in Honduras and its implications," and also a possible purchase contract with NUCOR, a Jackson, Mississippi steel company. Kattan,s partner, Jose Lamas (the Cuban-born President of gasoline provider Dippsa and Banco Mercantil), asked Kattn not to come to the Embassy with the information, as he wanted to avoid 8bigger problems with the Cubans.8 3. (SBU) Aceros Alfa employs 167 people at its San Pedro Sula steel reinforcement bar (rebar) mill, and has an 80 percent share of the Honduran rebar market, as well as 10 percent of the Salvadoran market and 7 percent of the Guatemalan market. It currently imports $5,000,000 of billets per month from Russia, Ukraine, and Brazil, which it then converts into various sizes of rebar. It is currently negotiating a contract to source billets from U.S.-based supplier, NUCOR. 4. (SBU) Kattan,s competitor, Aceros Centro Caribe, S.A., was founded in May 2000 as a joint venture between Cuban government-owned steel company Acinox (which holds its 60 percent share through an Aruba-based subsidiary, FIMSE, N.V.) and 2 Honduran businessmen (sons of Vice-President Lobo). In 2003, amidst significant corporate financial difficulties, the Hondurans divested their shares. In 2004, an Italian engineer (NFI) working for Cuban parent company Acinox received 40 percent ownership in Aceros Centro Caribe in lieu of wages owed. Since October 2004, Aceros Centro Caribe has increased its market share significantly and now has 5-6 percent of the Honduran rebar market. ------------ Allegations ------------ 5. (C) After the Honduran investors divested themselves of their shares of Aceros Centro in 2003, the company drastically reduced operations for a year and a half, importing only 1000 tons of billets every 2-3 months. Since October 2004, Acero Centro,s imports and production have grown substantially, and they are currently importing 1800 tons of billets every month. The market value of the shipment is estimated to be $520,000; however, Aceros Centro is reportedly only being invoiced $380,000 per shipment. Mr. Kattan has written a letter to the Honduras Ministry of Industry and Commerce, raising these concerns, but has not yet received a response. 6. (C) Kattan also alleged that Aceros Centro is illegally benefiting under a GOH Temporary Import Regime. This program, managed by the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, allows Honduran exporters to temporarily import inputs, incorporate them into the production process, and then re-export the finished good without having to pay the 12% sales tax typically due on imported goods. Although Aceros Centro exports none of their product, they are importing their inputs without paying taxes due. 7. (C) The alleged transfer-pricing scheme would yield up to $140,000 in profits to the importer. Additionally, Kattan told EconOff that he had seen (and had access to) documents in the Dominican Republic proving that Aceros Centro has not paid even the discounted invoices due to Acinox. It is unclear, therefore, where these substantial cash revenues are going, or why the GOC parent company would willingly continue to absorb such losses. 8. (C) Kattan alleges that the Cuban parent company maintains a similarly structured subsidiary in Colombia. When EconOff noted Honduran recent press reports of FARC connections between Colombia and Honduras, Kattan said that his instincts tell him that the Aceros Centro financial arrangement is related. He also noted that there are several Chavez-affiliated organizations supported by the Venezuelan government operating both overtly and covertly in San Pedro Sula, and suggested that there may be a Cuban connection to these organizations. EconOff pursued the point, asking why a GOC firm would absorb such losses, when generally the GOC is hungry for hard currency inflows. Kattan told EconOff that he suspects the Cuban government could be using the alleged transfer pricing and payments arrears schemes to mask large transfers of funds to these leftist groups within Honduras, without having to use formal channels. Kattan, however, could offer no proof nor cite examples of this. --------------------- Other considerations --------------------- 9. (C) Asked about his sources, Kattan said, "Every rebar that comes or goes in this country, I know about." He said he must know his business and that's what he pays people to do. He also said that within the last week, he had hired away one of 6 Cubans working for Aceros Centro. 10. (C) Kattan said his reasons for approaching the U.S. Embassy were two-fold. First, while he described his own company's market-share position as solid, he admitted that he was unable to compete with Aceros Centro on rebar pricing, which is consistently 5 percent below what Kattn considers market price. He therefore has a strong economic incentive to enlist our help in countering what he considers unfair competition. Second, he expressed concern that the funds generated by these companies are supporting subversive elements of Honduran society, and as a businessman and citizen, he wants to see Honduras remain a stable home for his business and family. 11. (C) Comment: Post has requested but not yet received a copy of the documentary evidence of the under invoicing alleged by Kattan. We do not discount Kattan,s allegations, and will seek additional information on Aceros Centro and its activities. That said, Kattan has clear personal economic interests in convincing us that his business competitors are a threat to USG or GOH national security, and we remain appropriately skeptical of his claims. In addition to speculation of possible narco-trafficing connections between his competitor and Colombia, Mr. Kattn also speculated that the missing funds might support Chavista elements active both overtly and covertly in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, industrial capital. All investigations have indicated that this is false and that no such groups exist. Thus, this allegation detracts from Mr. Kattn,s credibility. Mr. Kattn was eager to mention any possible hot button that might rouse U.S. ire. Even if the transfer pricing, market dumping, and tax evasion allegations prove true, they could merely be the result of workaday corruption in Honduras. Corruption runs rampant in Honduras corporate dealings, and corrupt practices in pricing and invoicing would not surprise us. Moreover, Honduran public and private sector officials have in the past played on U.S. fears (communism, terrorism, and most recently, gangs) through exaggeration or even fabrication of alleged threats to advance their own agendas. End Comment. Palmer
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