US embassy cable - 05PORTAUPRINCE1664

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 PORT AU PRINCE 001664 
 
SIPDIS 
 
WHA/EX PLEASE PASS USOAS 
SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD 
DEPT FOR DS/IP/WHA 
DS/DSS/ITA 
DSERCC 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/25/2014 
TAGS: PGOV, PREL, HA 
SUBJECT: HAITIAN-AMERICAN ENTREPRENEUR SIMEUS: A PRESIDENT 
FOR AN OWNERSHIP SOCIETY 
 
 
Classified By: Ambassador James B. Foley, reasons 1.4 (B) and (D) 
 
1. (C) Summary: Haitian-American businessman Dumas Simeus 
declared his intention to run for President during a lively 
discussion with the Ambassador on June 10. Simeus, a 
self-made millionaire currently residing in Texas, said he 
would manage Haiti like a business and lead the country by 
example, promoting changes in both policies and behavior that 
would lead to peace, security and growth. The candidate 
brushed aside any challenge his American citizenship might 
pose, arguing that if the people believe in him, his double 
nationality won't matter. While he recognized the job would 
be thankless and require great personal (and financial) 
sacrifice, he claimed he was the only person who could give 
the people both hope and responsible leadership - running as 
a populist but governing from the center as an experienced 
manager. Simeus said he has been courted by Protestant 
parties MOCHRENA and UNCHR and would begin his campaign in 
July. End summary. 
 
2. (C) Displaying abundant charm and energy, the 65-year-old 
Simeus said he had decided to run for President not only for 
Haiti's benefit, but also as a gesture of thanks to the 
United States. He lamented that the U.S. had squandered so 
many resources in Haiti due to poor leadership and vowed he 
would rule Haiti with American values. The University of 
Chicago alum pledged to bring the "Chicago boys" to Haiti and 
establish a roadmap for change, promising investors would 
return if there was credible leadership. Simeus said Haiti's 
"way out" was access to capital, and he could explain to the 
people how an ownership society benefits all. He also backed 
an international investment fund (similar to those used in 
Eastern Europe in the 1990s) managed by international fund 
managers, and advocated pegging the Gourde to the US Dollar - 
allowing the government to raise the money supply, he said, 
without inflation. 
 
3. (C) Simeus said he had decided to run for President rather 
than Prime Minister because he wanted the mandate of the 
people in order to use the bully pulpit of the office of Head 
of State to change people's mentality. Under the banner, 
"Shadow of the Leader," Simeus planned to lead by example, 
setting new standards for values and performance and 
expecting others to follow. He said a massive public 
education campaign was needed to change Haitian mentality. He 
also vowed to create "social policemen" in an effort to 
encourage mutual respect among citizens. He said he fully 
intended to do what current PM Latortue has not done 
effectively: communicate directly with the people. 
 
4. (C) One major uncertainty, Simeus acknowledged, was the 
choice and role of the Prime Minister. Somewhat belatedly in 
the conversation, Simeus admitted that the PM would be 
responsible for implementing and managing many of the 
programs he advocated. He said, "because of my background, it 
may be necessary for the PM to co-govern with me" if he is 
not a good manager. Simeus was adamant that the PM have a 
proven track record of running a complex organization, 
something rare among Haitian politicians. Simeus conceded 
that finding such a PM would be difficult and power sharing 
would be delicate. 
 
5. (C) Simeus sidestepped the constitutional challenges posed 
by his American citizenship, saying he had acquired U.S. 
citizenship but had never given up Haitian citizenship (he 
still has a Haitian passport). He admitted that the 
Constitution prohibited even double nationality candidates, 
but said, "the Constitution prohibited the disbandment of the 
army too, but that did not stop them from doing it." (He also 
noted that the interim President and IGOH were both 
unconstitutional). He said his campaign would label him "an 
authentic Haitian" and that his peasant Creole language and 
outreach would secure him enough popular support to overwhelm 
Constitutional objections to his candidacy. "If the people 
believe in me," he said, "the qualifications won't matter." 
In a second meeting on June 14, Simeus told the Ambassador he 
would relinquish his U.S. nationality if that eventually 
proved necessary in order to get on the ballot. 
 
6. (C) During his recent visit to Haiti, Simeus has met with 
leaders of both large Protestant Parties: Luc Mesadieu of 
MOCHRENA and Chavannes Jeunes of UNCHR. Simeus scoffed at the 
management capabilities of both party leaders. Simeus also 
planned to meet businessman Andy Apaid. The Ambassador warned 
Simeus to make sure people did not perceive him as linked to 
the G184. Simeus said he planned to reach out to Lavalas 
leaders as well and explain to them that they could return to 
power again when "I am done fixing the country." He said he 
may send his associates with strong Lavalas ties to South 
Africa to meet with Aristide and ask him to support elections 
in Haiti. 
 
7. (C) Simeus said he would begin his campaign in July. He 
pointedly asked about the security situation and whether the 
U.S. was going to contribute to making the elections feasible 
from a security perspective. He also acknowledged the dangers 
to his personal safety he would face upon entering the race. 
 
8. (C) Comment: On paper and in person Simeus looks like a 
potentially viable candidate: one who could not only win the 
race but also lead Haiti in a way it desperately needs to be 
led -- someone who could connect with the impoverished 
majority, a la Aristide, but govern responsibly and maybe 
effectively. As such, he will be a threat to almost the 
entire political class and important segments of the business 
community. They will surely unite to attempt to disqualify 
Simeus because of his U.S. nationality. Whether he has the 
toughness to survive the rough and tumble of Haitian politics 
remains to be seen. He will also require an effective 
security apparatus to ensure his personal safety from likely 
threats from different quarters. He intends to reach out to 
the Lavalas base (starting in Cite Soleil) and will not 
criticize Aristide, but his candidacy will be seen as a 
mortal threat by the former president himself. The key 
question is whether he is able to electrify the poor Haitian 
masses, as he confidently predicts. If he can, the elections 
in Haiti - which are viewed skeptically by the public not 
only because of the mounting violence, but also because of 
the depressing cast of traditional politicians running for 
the Presidency - might begin to take on new meaning as a 
potential vehicle for change. End comment. 
 
FOLEY