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| Identifier: | 05PRAGUE814 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05PRAGUE814 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Prague |
| Created: | 2005-05-27 11:36:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PREL PHUM EZ CU EUN |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 PRAGUE 000814 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/27/2015 TAGS: PREL, PHUM, EZ, CU, EUN SUBJECT: EXPELLED CZECH POLITICIAN SAYS CUBA UNDERESTIMATED EUROPEAN REACTION REF: HAVANA 10180 Classified By: Political Officer Kim Krhounek for reasons 1.4 b+d 1. (C) Summary. On May 25, we met with Czech Senator Karel Schwarzenberg, who was one of the European politicians deported from Cuba during last week's opposition gathering in Havana (see reftel). Schwarzenberg who did have an opportunity to meet with some dissidents prior to his expulsion, stressed the importance of building up Cuban civil society through making Spanish-language publications on the Central European transformation experience available, and putting continued pressure on Castro to release jailed dissidents who are living in very severe conditions in Cuban jails. He also strongly advocated inviting dissidents to national day receptions and other diplomatic events as one means of providing them "protection." While he regretted his expulsion from Cuba, he also believes that the Castro regime underestimated the impact of the expulsions in Europe; in particular the extensive, negative press coverage in Paris, Madrid, Germany and Poland. End summary. 3. (C) Senator Schwarzenberg -- who travelled to Havana on a tourist passport -- was able to spend a few days in Cuba before he was unceremoniously escorted from his hotel back to the airport. His personal views are that Castro ordered the deportations of European politicians for his own propaganda purposes; namely to show that foreign emissaries have no role to play in Cuban politics. (By the same token, Schwarzenberg believes Castro let the dissident gathering proceed to be able to claim that civic groups can meet peacefully.) While Castro may have succeeded in this limited goal, Schwarzenberg claims that the Cuban government vastly underestimated European reaction. The Czech Ambassador to Paris organized a packed news conference on Schwarzenberg's arrival back on the continent, and other deported politicians held similar press events in Madrid and Germany. According to Schwarzenberg, these events generated "more than 80 pages of critical comments," becoming a "bigger than expected echo" that the Cuban government probably did not intend. 4. (C) While in Cuba, Schwarzenberg had some important meetings with Cuban dissidents, including at a reception hosted by the Norwegian Ambassador, confirming his belief that it is important to include dissidents in national day receptions and other diplomatic events. Schwarzenberg believes the link to the diplomatic community makes dissidents better known, thereby providing them "some protection, weak as it is." When dissidents are known and welcome visitors at diplomatic events, the embassies are better informed of events on the ground and quicker to react to arbitrary imprisonments and other oppressive acts. Such connections are invaluable in keeping pressure on Cuban officials to provide better treatment of prisoners and warn them that the international community is watching. In general, Schwarzenberg decried the conditions in Cuban jails, comparing them to Czechoslovak jails of the 1950's where severe conditions lead to serious health risks. He declared all imprisoned dissidents to be "in serious danger" and expressed hope that the EU would continue to press for their release before granting any further benefits to the Castro regime. He expressed support for Czech diplomacy within the EU, and optimism that recent events on the island would translate into a more robust EU stance against the Castro regime. 5. (C) Schwarzenberg also cited the necessity to build up Cuban civil society. Again comparing the situation there to the Czechoslovak experience, he noted that there are very few "samizdat" publications in Cuba, compared with Czechslovakia in the 1970's and 1980's. (Samizdat were independent underground publications of Czech articles and news that were often published abroad and re-imported and distributed within the country by members of the dissident movement). Further, he believes that too few Cubans speak or understand foreign languages, limiting their exposure to helpful advice from abroad. He recommended translating into Spanish a number of Central European publications that dealt with their own experiences transforming their country into democracies with free market economies. Schwarzenberg noted that many of the more moderate Cuban dissident groups are emphasizing a long-term strategy to build up civil society institutions over time, so that they are prepared when Castro finally dies (Schwarzenberg thought this would come in about ten years). Schwarzenberg agreed with this approach, although he thought the European countries should do more to treat Castro as a "rambling old man with no new ideas" as a way to further marginalize his power. (Septel discusses current GOCR efforts to support Cuban civil society.) 6. (C) Comment. It appears that the Castro regime has underestimated the accord within the EU concerning equal treatment to all member states. While the Cuban government may have been able to treat pesky politicians from the Czech Republic and Poland as individual irritants in the past, such targeted behavior now that these countries are full voting members of the European Union has much more serious repercussions. For the Czechs and other EU members promoting a tougher EU common position these deportations were well-timed, as Czech MFA Cuba specialists headed to Brussels this week for working-level meetings on the June review of the EU's Cuba policy. We expect to have a full readout of those meetings next week. End comment. CABANISS
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