US embassy cable - 05MANILA2406

Disclaimer: This site has been first put up 15 years ago. Since then I would probably do a couple things differently, but because I've noticed this site had been linked from news outlets, PhD theses and peer rewieved papers and because I really hate the concept of "digital dark age" I've decided to put it back up. There's no chance it can produce any harm now.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE PHILIPPINES

Identifier: 05MANILA2406
Wikileaks: View 05MANILA2406 at Wikileaks.org
Origin: Embassy Manila
Created: 2005-05-26 05:47:00
Classification: CONFIDENTIAL
Tags: PGOV PREL PINR SOCI RP
Redacted: This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks.
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 MANILA 002406 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR EAP/PMBS, INR/EAP, INR/B 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/26/2015 
TAGS: PGOV, PREL, PINR, SOCI, RP 
SUBJECT: POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
REF: A. MANILA 2167 
     B. MANILA 1808 
     C. MANILA 1401 
     D. 03 MANILA 6332 
 
Classified By: Political Officer Andrew McClearn for 
Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). 
 
1.  (C) Summary:  Party organizations are relatively weak in 
the Philippines and are overshadowed by the influence of 
personalities.  Parties tend to coalesce around popular 
political leaders during electoral campaigns due to the 
desire for patronage, but otherwise are underfunded, without 
clear programs, and largely ineffective.  Some of the larger 
national parties have recently focused on party-building 
activities, but with limited success.  The pro-Arroyo 
coalition, at first glance, has strong support in both the 
House and Senate, but its support is often skin-deep. 
Anti-Arroyo forces are fragmented, although a large faction 
remains loyal to former president Joseph Estrada.  Various 
leftist "party list" groups linked with the Communist Party 
of the Philippines - New People's Army (CPP-NPA) are active 
in the House -- and on the streets.  For reasons of stability 
and coherence, a stronger party system would be a positive 
development, but there is little sign that parties will trump 
personalities any time soon.  Mission will continue to look 
for opportunities to enhance appreciation of political 
parties and highlight their importance in a democratic 
system.  End Summary. 
 
-------------------------------- 
Party Politics and Personalities 
-------------------------------- 
 
2.  (SBU) Party organizations are relatively weak in the 
Philippines and are overshadowed by the influence of 
personalities.  On the surface, party politics are alive and 
well in the Philippines.  There are 103 political parties 
registered with the Commission of Elections (COMELEC) and 
literally hundreds of unregistered parties -- mostly very 
small -- operating in the country.  These parties represent 
views across the political spectrum.  That said, given the 
entire mosaic of Philippine politics, parties basically serve 
as bit players compared to the role that personalities play. 
In fact, parties primarily service the needs of political 
personalities, who have gained influence usually due to their 
family links.  During periods of national campaigns, the 
larger political parties sometimes gain strength due to their 
association with powerful personalities who can give 
patronage in exchange for votes and support.  Party influence 
tends to recede dramatically, however, after the election 
takes place, when the money dries up and attention totally 
focuses on the personality in power.  During the run-up to 
the May 2004, for example, President Arroyo's Lakas Christian 
Muslim Democrats (Lakas-CMD) Party gained a certain degree of 
influence as it organized rallies and other events for the 
president.  Its influence receded after the election, 
however. 
 
3.  (C) Recently, the larger national parties have focused on 
party-building activities, but with limited success. 
Lakas-CMD and several other parties have participated in 
workshops in Manila and elsewhere meant to encourage such 
institution-building activities as ways to increase 
membership, develop party platforms, implement standardized 
funding mechanisms, and facilitate rule-based decision-making 
among members.  Opposition senators Edgardo Angara and 
Jinggoy Estrada both introduced 2004 legislation to reform 
the party system by limiting party switching, among other 
proposals.  Their bills are languishing in committees, 
however.  Conversations with party advocates have confirmed 
that real commitment among politicians to these reform 
efforts remains elusive.  Lakas-CMD Director Francis 
Manglapus told poloff recently that even Lakas -- the largest 
of the national parties -- is understaffed, underfunded, and 
over-reliant on the wealth of a few single benefactors to be 
truly effective as a national political organization. 
 
------------------------ 
The Pro-Arroyo Coalition 
------------------------ 
 
4.  (C) President Arroyo's coalition, at first glance, 
commands strong support in both the House of Representatives 
and the Senate.  Approximately 200 of 236 House members and 
14 of 23 Senators belong to parties considered allies of the 
President.  Indeed, despite some difficulties and delays, the 
President has been able to rely on her coalition to get key 
fiscal reform and other bills through the legislature. 
Loyalty to the President is often skin-deep, however.  Major 
members of her coalition are listed below: 
 
-- The Lakas-CMD party grew out of the presidential campaign 
of former president Fidel Ramos in 1992.  President Arroyo is 
Lakas Chair, although party policies and discipline is 
largely implemented by party president and House Speaker Jose 
de Venecia.  Lakas-CMD has seven senators, 75 
representatives, and has the broadest national party network. 
 It is probably the single most influential political party 
in central Luzon, much of the Visayas, and Mindanao, 
including the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). 
Most commentators associate Lakas with "Trapos" (traditional 
politicians), who are experts in backroom politicking, and -- 
unfortunately for Arroyo -- frequently tainted by public 
perceptions that they represent entrenched interests or are 
corrupt.  The President largely stays out of Lakas-CMD 
affairs, although she supported a recent initiative by 
Speaker de Venecia to call together leaders of the major 
parties in an effort focused on showing unity against any 
extra-constitutional efforts to bring down the government. 
Some members of Lakas-CMD are firmly set against the KAMPI 
group (see below), which is made up of close Arroyo 
associates.  These Lakas members feel (accurately) that KAMPI 
is sapping membership away from Lakas; 
 
-- The Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (KAMPI) party is 
closely associated with President Arroyo.  Arroyo originally 
formed KAMPI as a vehicle for her successful run for 
vice-president in 1998, but the party was relatively dormant 
for years.  After Arroyo's victory in 2004, however, KAMPI 
enlisted some 35 members, mostly disgruntled Lakas-CMD 
politicians or others interested in KAMPI because of its 
links to the President, the ultimate patron.  KAMPI officials 
have confirmed to poloffs that the party counts on the close 
support of the President, in particular through unofficial 
links with First Gentleman Mike Arroyo.  Observers have 
asserted that the President uses KAMPI to keep Lakas-CMD 
stalwart and House Speaker de Venecia's ambitions in check. 
Media reports suggest that KAMPI has more financial resources 
than other large parties; 
 
-- The Liberal Party (LP) contains many top Filipino 
politicians, including: Senate President Franklin Drilon; 
Senate Majority Leader Francis Pangilinan; and Senator Manuel 
"Mar" Roxas, the top vote-getter in last year's national 
senate race.  The LP has 34 representatives and the three 
top-tier senators listed above.  Education Secretary 
Florencio Abad and Environment Secretary Michael Defensor are 
also members of the party.  LP leaders have worked closely 
with Lakas to support the administration's agenda.  Many have 
speculated that the LP is gearing up to support a run by one 
of its own for president in 2010, with observers frequently 
mentioning Mar Roxas as a possible candidate; 
 
-- The Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC), led by 
well-known businessman and former Marcos associate Eduardo 
"Danding" Cojuangco, continues to have strong support in the 
House of Representatives with some 40 members.  House Ways 
and Means Chairman and NPC Rep. Jesli Lapus has been key in 
pushing through numerous pieces of fiscal legislation 
proposed by the Arroyo Administration.  However, the 
defection of a small group of NPC members to the opposition 
has called into question the party's effectiveness and 
commitment to the pro-Arroyo coalition (see Para 5); 
 
-- The Nacionalista Party (NP) is led by senators Manuel 
Villar (the weathiest member of the legislature) and Ralph 
Recto.  In addition to these two senators, it counts 14 
representatives as members.  NP was a key part of the 
pro-Arroyo coalition during the 2004 elections, although its 
contrary positions to those of the administration on an array 
of issues, such as taxation and bilateral ties with the U.S., 
increasingly strain this connection.  NP's visibility will 
rise when Villar assumes the Senate Presidency in December 
2005, the result of a power-sharing agreement reached with 
Senator Drilon of the LP. 
 
----------------------- 
A Fragmented Opposition 
----------------------- 
 
5.  (C) Despite on-and-off efforts to organize themselves 
into a coherent force, anti-Arroyo forces remain fragmented, 
although a large faction remains loyal to former president 
Joseph Estrada.  The major opposition groups include: 
 
-- Former president Estrada leads the Partido ng Masang 
Pilipino (PMP).  The party has attempted to reinvigorate 
party rolls, its organization, and its reputation as the 
party of the "masa" (Ref B).  Two senators count themselves 
members of the party, including Loi Estrada (the wife of 
Estrada) and Jinggoy Estrada (a son).  (Note:  Senators Juan 
Ponce Enrile and Jamby Madrigal were active PMP members, but 
recently declared themselves to be independents.  Both still 
retain some links to the party, however.)  PMP has limited 
reach in the House with only two members.  PMP mounts 
vigorous public relations efforts -- as evidenced at 
www.erap.ph -- but remains seriously debilitated by the fact 
that party chairman Estrada is under house arrest and on 
trial, accused of corruption and plunder; 
 
-- The Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) party is in 
disarray, although respected Senator Edgardo Angara retains 
his position as head of the party.  Once one of the stronger 
parties, only seven representatives remain in the LDP. 
Popular former LDP members such as Sen. Panfilo Lacson and 
Rep. Ronaldo Zamora have become independents after 
much-publicized rows with Angara; 
 
-- Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel leads Partido 
Demokratikong ng Pilipino (PDP-Laban).  The other senator in 
PDP-Laban is Cebu-based Sergio Osmena III.  Rep. Teodoro 
Locsin is the party's only House member.  This group derives 
clout due to Pimentel's standing as a senior statesman from 
Mindanao and copious financial support provided by Makati 
Mayor Jejomar Binay and Locsin, two wealthy party members; 
 
-- Rep. Imee Marcos, the articulate daughter of former 
president Ferdinand Marcos and his wife, Imelda Marcos, leads 
Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL).  KBL began as provincial 
party, and only has Marcos as a member in the House and no 
representation in the Senate.  Marcos has roundly criticized 
the administration in both public and private forums. 
According to Marcos, her value to the opposition is to 
provide name recognition, youth, and energy (she is 49).  Her 
brother, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is the governor of 
Ilocos Norte Province in northern Luzon island; 
 
--  As noted above, a small faction of the NPC has joined the 
opposition.  House Minority Leader, Rep. Francis Escudero 
leads this faction.  Escudero, who also campaigned in 2004 
for opposition candidate Fernando Poe Jr., will likely run 
for the Senate in 2007. 
 
---------------- 
The &Legal Left8 
---------------- 
 
6.  (C) Various leftist "party list" groups linked with the 
CPP-NPA are active in the House -- and on the streets.  These 
groups have been relatively effective at rallying public 
support, most recently by organizing protests to oppose tax 
legislation, and against job cuts and cost of living 
increases.  There are now 24 members of the House of 
Representatives elected by the "party list" system -- roughly 
half of whom are leftists (Ref D).  Groups within this rubric 
include: 
 
-- Rep. Satur Ocampo, a long-time leftist, heads Bayan Muna 
(BM), which has three representatives.  A more moderate 
representative, Teodoro "Teddy" Casino, is also a party 
member.  BM often takes the lead in organizing protests along 
with other leftist groups.  BM representatives have recently 
accused elements of the GRP's security forces of 
systematically killing BM leaders across the country (Ref C); 
 
-- Anak Pawis, Gabriela, and Partido ng Manggagawa are 
closely allied with Bayan Muna and, overall, have four 
members in the House.  Led by representatives Crispin 
Beltran, Liza Maza, and labor organizer Renato Magtubo, these 
three groups focus on youth, women, and labor issues, 
respectively; 
 
-- Of the leftist parties in the House, Akbayan is the most 
important one that is not associated with the CPP-NPA.  It 
has three members in the House and is led by long-time human 
rights activist Rep. Loretta Ann Rosales.  Akbayan has a 
history of very frosty relations with Bayan Muna, with 
Rosales complaining that she has received death threats from 
the NPA. 
 
------- 
Comment 
------- 
 
7.  (C) For reasons of stability and coherence, a stronger 
party system would be a positive development in the 
Philippines, but there is little sign that parties will trump 
personalities any time soon.  Deep, lasting family ties are 
an abiding factor in Philippine culture and scions of 
influential families will continue to prove crucial in the 
political system, both at the national and local level.  In 
light of this, the relative strength of political parties 
will continue to ebb and flow mainly according to their links 
with popular personalities.  For example, Lakas-CMD will 
likely gain or lose influence per House Speaker de Venecia's 
political fortunes, while KAMPI's fortunes are totally 
dependent on Arroyo's, as is the case with the PMP and 
Estrada. 
 
8.  (SBU) Through USG assistance, the International 
Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute 
have done capacity-building work with Philippine parties in 
the past.  In addition, Mission has included young 
politicians in International Visitor Leadership Program 
(IVLP) projects focused on state and local government, 
accountability in government, and party organization and 
financing.  Mission will continue to look for opportunities 
to enhance appreciation of political parties and highlight 
their importance in a democratic system. 
 
Visit Embassy Manila's Classified SIPRNET website: 
http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eap/manila/index. cfm 
 
You can also access this site through the State Department's 
Classified SIPRNET website: 
http://www.state.sgov.gov/ 
MUSSOMELI 

Latest source of this page is cablebrowser-2, released 2011-10-04