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| Identifier: | 05QUITO781 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05QUITO781 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Quito |
| Created: | 2005-04-08 22:54:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV ASEC EC |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 QUITO 000781 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/01/2015 TAGS: PGOV, ASEC, EC SUBJECT: ECUADOR: DIALOGUE UNDERWAY, STRIKE POSTPONED ONE DAY REF: GUAYAQUIL 424 Classified By: Ambassador Kristie A. Kenney. Reason 1.4 (b&d). 1. (C) Summary: The government and opposition appear closer than ever to resolving the Supreme Court issue. However, they may not achieve congressional passage of a measure to do so before April 13, the new start date for an indefinite strike in the capital and Azuay province. Still in play are issues of trust and political gamesmanship between the Democratic Left (ID) and the government. Thus far, the Ambassador's public call for dialogue has been well-received by all. We continue to urge all toward a durable compromise to avert risks to stability. Returned ex-president Bucaram's presence is being felt in various unhelpful ways. We have registered our concern over Bucaram's pro-Chavez homecoming remarks through intermediaries, and will delay meeting with him directly until the situation here settles. End Summary. Dialogue Progress ----------------- 2. (C) Press and Embassy political contacts report that the government and the opposition (PSC, DP, the socialists, some in the ID, independents, and President Gutierrez' PSP, for a total of 60 votes in favor) have nearly reached consensus on a bill to vacate the current Supreme Court and lay out a new process to select a politically-neutral replacement court. The government has pledged that the President would not veto the bill, provided it meets certain conditions (including ratification of the selection procedures in a referendum). On April 7, Congress met but did not put the measure to a vote. The next opportunity will be on April 12. Strike Moved Back ----------------- 3. (U) Street protests in Quito tapered off on April 7 and are not expected again until April 11 at the earliest. The Assembly of Quito agreed on April 7 to accommodate a request from counterparts in Azuay province to shift the date of the general strike from April 12 (a holiday in Azuay) to April 13. The minister of education subsequently closed all public and private schools in Pichincha province from April 8-13. Guayaquil mayor Jaime Nebot and PSC coastal mayors will meet to determine their own protest actions on April 11, but Nebot has stated that any protest in Guayaquil will not be indefinite nor seek to shut down the city. Apart from the Quito Chamber of Commerce, business groups have expressed opposition to a strike. Embassy cultural contacts in Cuenca, capital of Azuay province, report that few preparations for a strike are apparent and that street action there has been limited to candlelight vigils in condolence for the passing of the Pope. 4. (U) Leaders of the main indigenous group (CONAIE) have called for their own mobilization next week, and provincial indigenous leaders tell us they are putting out the word. It is not clear, however, whether indigenous protests will be coordinated with strike leaders in Pichincha or arranged independently. Cesar Montufar, leader of a civil society group which has participated in the Assembly of Quito, told us he believed mayor Moncayo made a grave tactical error by publicly calling on the army to cease supporting the government. Montufar believes the ID would resist any accord which would deflate their strike, seeking to deny the government a political victory. He said it was doubtful CONAIE could turn out sufficient numbers of indigenous to destabilize the government. Actions by Embassy Quito and CG Guayaquil ----------------------------------------- 5. (SBU) The leading daily printed an editorial by the Ambassador on April 7, calling on all sides to put aside personal and partisan agendas to engage in dialogue on the national interest of strengthening Ecuadorian democratic institutions. Reaction to the editorial has been overwhelmingly favorable thus far, especially from business and Guayaquil leaders. Embassy and CG Guayaquil have engaged in intensive outreach to government, opposition, indigenous and civil society groups to reinforce this message. 6. (C) We have also made clear to the PRE our concern about Bucaram's pro-Chavez and anti-FTA homecoming remarks (RefTel). Bucaram intermediaries including his son Jacobo have attempted to downplay the remarks, saying "these types of (populist) statements are standard fare in Latin American politics." Jacobo also said that President Gutierrez had called his father to express concern; he implied that Bucaram agreed to refrain from expressions about foreign policy issues in the future. PRE Congressional leader Mario Touma essentially told us the same, even adding that Bucaram had not decided to run for president in 2006. Both said Bucaram wished to meet with us to clear the air. We have put off any direct meeting until the reaction generated by his return settles further. Not coincidentally, both also expressed concern about our ongoing review of the visa status of Supreme Court president Guillermo Castro, a Bucaram ally. We have refused comment on the review (on grounds of potential flight risk), citing the privacy of visa matters. Comment ------- 7. (C) Much of the difficulty of resolving the court issue in Congress revolves around Bucaram. President of Congress Quintana, a Bucaram supporter, has repeatedly delayed consideration of the current compromise, accused by the opposition of buying time for the clock to run out on any appeals of his decision. There are strong rumors that Castro will use this extra time to absolve the notorious Isaias brothers of pending corruption charges, in return for cash and political support for Bucaram. Furthermore, the lingering tussle over language of the congressional measure to vacate the current court is really about whether the Bucaram decision could be revisited by a future court. Were the congress to rescind the resolution which created the current court, Castro's decision on Bucaram would be called into question. The government is therefore highly unlikely to concede this point. 8. (C) The Congress has another opportunity to act to resolve the court issue when Congress returns into session on April 12. The hard-core opposition here, led by Mayor Moncayo and Pichincha prefect Ramiro Gonzalez and their ID allies in Congress, seem intent on blocking an accord until after their strike occurs. We are counseling all sides to avoid the political and economic risks of a strike by redoubling efforts at dialogue. KENNEY
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