Disclaimer: This site has been first put up 15 years ago. Since then I would probably do a couple things differently, but because I've noticed this site had been linked from news outlets, PhD theses and peer rewieved papers and because I really hate the concept of "digital dark age" I've decided to put it back up. There's no chance it can produce any harm now.
| Identifier: | 05PARIS1802 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05PARIS1802 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Paris |
| Created: | 2005-03-17 16:47:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PREL KDEM PHUM KMPI LE IZ SY EG KPAL FR |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 PARIS 001802 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/10/2015 TAGS: PREL, KDEM, PHUM, KMPI, LE, IZ, SY, EG, KPAL, FR SUBJECT: DAS CARPENTER'S MARCH 9 CONSULTATIONS WITH SENIOR FRENCH OFFICIALS ON MIDDLE EAST REFORM Classified By: Deputy Chief of Mission Alex Wolff, reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). 1. (C) Summary and comment: During March 9 discussions with visiting NEA DAS Scott Carpenter, senior French officials expressed full GoF support for U.S. objectives on reform in the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA), but stressed their continued desire to keep our messages separate and stay focused on the Barcelona Process. President Chirac's Middle East advisor voiced strong support for U.S. reform objectives and disdain for Arab governments (namely Syria) who had used the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a pretext for oppression. Carpenter heard a less helpful message from MFA Political Director Stanislas de Laboulaye, who stressed GoF intent to make the Barcelona Process the EU's priority, and linked the success in the region of reform initiatives to the degree to which the U.S. continued to pressure Israel. Laboulaye also suggested that democracy in the Arab world meant that secular dictatorships could be replaced by Islamic fundamentalist governments, citing Iraq as a cautionary example and advising that the U.S. might have to rethink its stance on Hizballah and Hamas. Laboulaye conceded, with unusual candor, that the GoF had long relied on secular dictatorships and authoritarian regimes in the region, partly to protect Arab Christian populations. In a separate meeting, MFA representatives briefed DAS Carpenter on the scope of EU and French bilateral assistance to the region, noting that, of the MFA's 128 million euros in annual assistance to the region, 40 percent was for education, while 10 percent was devoted to governance. While GoF officials were keen to exchange views on the reform issue, they did not offer a concrete response to Carpenter's proposal that the U.S. and EU accelerate consultation on BMENA and consider setting up a coordination mechanism in Brussels. In a separate press roundtable, DAS Carpenter clarified U.S. reform objectives and stressed the need for partnership to a receptive audience of 14 French and Arab journalists. End summary and comment. 2. (SBU) NEA Deputy Assistant Secretary (DAS) Scott Carpenter visited Paris March 8-9 and met separately March 9 with Presidential Advisor on the Middle East Dominique Boche, MFA Political Director (P-equivalent) Stanislas de Laboulaye, and MFA Director (A/S-equivalent) for the Near East and North Africa Jean-Francois Thibault. The Thibault discussions consisted of a roundtable session, at which MFA Policy Planning Director Pierre Levy and several officials from the Directorates of European and Middle East/North African Affairs and Directorate General of International Cooperation offered perspectives on French views on reform and bilateral and EU programs in the region. Thibault also hosted a working lunch for Carpenter, attended by the French G-8 Sous-Sherpa and Director (U/S-equivalent) for Economic Affairs Alain Le Roy and MFA action officer on Middle East reform issues Brigitte Curmi. Attending Carpenter's meetings on the U.S. side were DCM Alex Wolff, Political Minister-Counselor Josiah Rosenblatt, EUR/ERA action officer Louis Bono, and Political Officer Uzra Zeya (notetaker). STRONG SUPPORT FROM ELYSEE ---------------- 3. (C) Carpenter opened his discussion with Presidential Middle East Advisor Dominique Boche by stressing U.S. interest in working with Europe to promote economic, political and social reform in the BMENA region. Carpenter described U.S. bilateral efforts via the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), and emphasized that the U.S. was not seeking to supplant the Barcelona Process or deny its accomplishments. At the same time, with the U.S. and Europe spending billions in assistance to the region, we shared a common interest in better information sharing and coordination between U.S. and European programs. Boche responded to Carpenter's presentation by asserting that France "totally shares" U.S. objectives for reform in the BMENA region. Conditions were ripe for an evolution towards democracy throughout the region, which had been in development for years. The Arab public was now rejecting the "archaism" of the past, and all the governments of the region had problems of popular legitimacy. Boche added that a number of Arab regimes remained "barricaded behind a myth" of Israeli-Palestinian conflict, citing Syria as an example of a country which "never fired a bullet against Israel in 30 years," but used Israel as a pretext to maintain a state of emergency and repress its own people and those of Lebanon. Boche also noted that a number of "sacred cows" had disappeared in recent months, noting that in Egypt, for example, the press had crossed the red-line of not discussing President Mubarak's family. Boche cited Jordan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Palestine, and Iraq as other examples of positive democratic developments, and concluded that a democratic evolution was taking place nearly everywhere in the BMENA region. 4. (C) At the same time, Boche cautioned that the U.S. and Europe should be careful to ensure that their reform efforts were not viewed as the imposition of outside models on the Arab world. For this reason, it was important to preserve a "diversity of messages and messengers" and avoid the impression of a "Western front" pushing reform on the region. The U.S. and Europe each had their own policies and means to pursue reform and should continue to do so, while both working in the same direction. The GoF remained intent on strengthening the Mediterranean partnership, especially as an expanded Europe looked increasingly to the east. The EU New Neighbors policy -- as well as the vast amounts the EU already gave the region in terms of direct assistance, subsidies, and loans -- all went in the same direction as U.S. efforts, but France wanted to preserve the autonomy of EU initiatives. 5. (C) Carpenter and Boche agreed that there was harmony between U.S. and French views on reform, and that we need not put our efforts under one umbrella. Boche added that we needed to show the region that there was no incompatibility between the G-8 BMENA initiative and the Barcelona Process, as Arab governments must understand that they could be friends of the U.S. and Europe. Carpenter agreed, noting that we should dispel suspicions of U.S.-European conflict on reform efforts. In closing, Boche stressed that reform efforts would have to be accompanied by engagement on addressing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was already the case under the second term of President Bush. He concluded that events on the ground were changing quickly, and that it was already "another world" since Arafat's death last November. SUPPORT, MIXED WITH CAUTION FROM MFA POLITICAL DIRECTOR ------------------------ 6. (C) In a separate meeting with MFA Political Director Stanislas de Laboulaye, DAS Carpenter described in more detail the U.S. desire to accelerate and regularize high-level consultation with the EU on BMENA efforts, while stressing that the U.S. is not seeking to supplant the Barcelona Process. Carpenter cited a number of upcoming events which offer context for the U.S. and EU to move such dialogue forward, such as the U.S-EU ministerial and summit, the Barcelona Process ten-year anniversary in November, and the next Forum for the Future in Bahrain. Carpenter concluded that when the U.S. and Europe speak with the same voice, we can achieve greater progress; there was also room for the U.S. and Europe to emphasize different aspects of the same message, such as rule of law within the larger context of democratization. Laboulaye responded by stressing, first, that the U.S. and France had moved closer on the reform issue, with the U.S. becoming less "ideological" and the GoF "more accepting" of the idea that the status quo in the Arab world was not the answer. Clearly, things in the region were moving, Laboulaye asserted, though it was unclear whether this was due to U.S. intervention in Iraq; what was important now, was for the U.S. and Europe to try and ensure that change underway moves in the right direction. 7. (C) Laboulaye stressed that the Barcelona Process would be the GoF's "absolute priority" on reform efforts. He described the record of the Barcelona Process, after ten years, as highly positive, as the EU had put lots of money into the same sectors identified in the BMENA initiative. The main problem in the Barcelona Process was that it was always weak on the political side, as momentum was always "sapped" by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition, political enthusiasm had always been low on the Barcelona Process, and the EU, ten years ago, was not the political union which it is today. For these reasons, France, together with Spain under the UK EU presidency, would seek to overhaul and revitalize the Barcelona constitution and convention, to make the Mediterranean understand why it was so important, and remind newer EU members what the region meant to the EU. In stressing Barcelona, Laboulaye concluded that the GoF wasn't underestimating the importance of BMENA; he conceded that BMENA was in fact one of the main factors which prompted the revitalization of the Barcelona Process in the first place. 8. (C) Laboulaye also emphasized the need to work in close partnership with Arab governments, and to be careful that external pressure does not result in stiffening of government positions. Laboulaye cited Egypt as an example of the latter trend, and commented that coaxing or "nudging" Arab governments worked better than stiff outside pressure. Laboulaye also stressed the "absolute centrality" of the Israeli-Palestinian issue to reform efforts, describing this as a difference between the U.S. and France from the start. At the same time, Laboulaye commended March 1 remarks by Secretary Rice at the London Conference, asserting that the SIPDIS Secretary's remarks would help reform efforts "tremendously," SIPDIS as long as we follow through on them. He added that putting pressure on Israel remained "key" to the success of the BMENA initiative. Carpenter agreed that the ongoing momentum in relaunching the roadmap could only help reform efforts, but pointed out that, at the recent Forum for the Future in Rabat, only a few governments raised the Israeli-Palestinian issue and that -- increasingly -- governments in the region are seeing internal reform as a key objective, independent of the conflict. 9. (C) Laboulaye sounded a cautionary note on the "Shi'a ascendancy" in Iraq, describing this as a major worry for Iraq's neighbors, despite the Iraqi elections success. Laboulaye was unsure whether Iraq would play for better or worse for the region or for France, noting that French nationals who had gone to Iraq to fight jihad were returning to France and were more capable than those who had pursued similar training in Afghanistan. Laboulaye also described Iraq within a larger trend of secular dictatorships in the Arab world being replaced by religious-oriented governments. He conceded that, in the past, French policy in the Arab world had been built upon favoring secular dictators, such as Bourguiba, Arafat, or even Mubarak. These governments served as "instruments" of French influence, in addition to having close ties with the French intellectual class and offering a means to protect Christians in the region. Now, with such secular regimes being increasingly a thing of the past, the question remained to what degree Islamists would replace them. With Hamas enjoying broad support in the Palestinian territories and Hizballah bringing out one million in the streets of Beirut, Laboulaye suggested that we needed to rethink our approach to both groups. He added that we should recognize that civil society in the Arab world is Islamic in nature; we couldn't say we want to deal with civil society and ignore this reality. With over 5 million Muslims in France, this was a domestic issue for the GoF; increasingly, French Muslim youth were having closer ties with their countries of origin, and those who might have become communists in the past were turning towards Islamism, in rejection of French and western society. France faced a basic problem in how to adapt to the new Arab world, and Laboulaye questioned whether this new neighborhood was the one we really wanted. Carpenter responded by stressing that the lack of political openness which fueled Islamic extremism was exactly why we needed to pursue the reform agenda underway; he stressed further that U.S.-led reform efforts were generational and not bent on toppling regimes. THIBAULT: APPROACH REGION WITH DETERMINATION AND DELICACY ----------------- 10. (C) MFA A/S equivalent for Middle East/North Africa Jean-Francois Thibault, accompanied by a panel of MFA officials from the Cooperation and European and Middle East Directorates, offered Carpenter an overview of French views on regional reform, combined with specific briefings on French and EU cooperation programs. Like Boche, Thibault stressed that France shared "exactly" U.S. values on regional reform, and shared the U.S. view that greater democratization would mean greater longterm stability in the region. Thibault added, however, that while U.S. and French objectives were largely the same, there was a difference in some of our perceptions. In the Gof view, we needed to approach the reform issue with determination and "delicacy," due to the fragility of Arab society and the difficult process of introspection already underway in the region. Thibault also stressed the need for a diversity of messages and messengers, and to be aware of Arab and Muslim sensitivities to the perception of a "Western front" against them. Newly-appointed MFA Director for Policy Planning Pierre Levy added that the GoF agreed with the U.S. that the status quo in the Arab world was not sustainable any more; at the same time, the region was in France's neighborhood, so regional stability remained a strategic priority. Carpenter responded to Thibault saying that, while he understood the need for a diversity of messengers, it made no sense to have a diversity of messages. Dissonance would only create confusion and the sense that we could be played off against one another. 11. (U) On EU assistance programs to the region, European Cooperation Directorate action officer Stephane Crouzard reported that MEDA II (years 2000-2006) disbursements had increased progressively since 2000 and were now 115 percent of allocations. Egypt and Morocco were the top recipients in EU funding, with Morocco the "star pupil" and Egypt receiving some 700 million euros in European Investment Bank Facility loans in 2004, out of some 2 billion euros in loans which the EU provided the region annually. Crouzard described the EU Neighborhood Policy as a means of accelerating reform efforts, as the country-specific action plans were intended to last only three years. On French bilateral assistance to the region, MFA Cooperation officials reported that France provided the region some 715 million USD per year in assistance, of which some 128 million euros was controlled by the MFA. Some 80 percent of the 128 million in MFA-controlled assistance went to Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt and Lebanon. 40 percent of the MFA-directed assistance to the region was allocated for education, while some 10 percent was allocated for governance. One MFA official described the creation of a new "office for Governance," within the MFA Directorate General for Cooperation as a revolutionary development for the GoF. French governance programs focused largely on "twinning" French government or administrative bodies to counterparts in the region, to help in the overall modernization of regional governments, while building local capacity. French assistance programs also promoted human rights, via programs for strengthening rule of law, judicial reform, penal reform, and improving access to and administration of justice. 12. (C) During a more informal working lunch, Thibault asked Carpenter his impressions of Iraq, specifically why the Iraqi Transitional Government was taking so long to form, and what would happen in Kirkuk. Citing the deepening of Kurdish nationalism, Thibault picked up a point raised earlier by Laboulaye that perhaps what resulted from democracy in the Middle East was not always what we wanted. Thibault cited Lebanon, and specifically the massive March 8 demonstration organized by Hizballah, as another example. The GoF had long counseled the need to deal cautiously with Hizballah and see it not only for its unacceptable behavior, but for its political importance. Lebanon was the oldest democracy in the Middle East and France wanted to see Lebanese democracy succeed. To do so, Thibault suggested, we needed to try and separate Hizballah from Syria and Iran and hope that Hizballah would be interested in its own political future within Lebanon. Carpenter said that it would be a mistake to read too much into the Hizballah numbers. To protest when your life is at risk is one thing; to do so with the aid and encouragement of two friendly governments is another. 13. (U) During a May 9 press roundtable, Carpenter clarified the distinctions between MEPI and BMENA programs and stressed the U.S. desire to accelerate reform efforts in partnership with Europe and the region. The audience of some 14 French and Arabic-language journalists appeared receptive to Carpenter's presentation and asked largely non-polemical questions seeking greater detail on U.S. efforts, for example, to promote the rights of women and enhance dialogue between NATO and the region. The briefing also offered the opportunity for Carpenter to dispel misperceptions, such as rumors that the U.S. had sought to quash the most recent UNDP Arab Human Development report. 14. (C) Comment: Carpenter's visit took place at an opportune moment, as the French press is increasingly (and grudgingly) conceding that the Bush administration deserves some credit for the "Arab springtime" taking place in the region. FM Barnier, in recent press remarks, has also sought to stress that liberty is a European, not just American, value. French officials were eager to invite DAS Carpenter to Paris and took care to offer him a packed, high-level schedule. At the same time, GOF officials were largely unresponsive on Carpenter's specific proposal to enhance U.S.-EU consultation on BMENA in Brussels. We view this as more typical of the GoF style of consulting, which is to state the French position and tell us what is wrong with ours first, before moving on to a new course of action. As French officials told us, the GoF's top priority will be to focus on revitalizing the Barcelona Process, not on improving EU coordination with us. While we don't expect the GoF to lead the charge to support greater U.S.-EU consultation on BMENA in Brussels, we don't anticipate the GoF opposing the idea either. As for the difference in tone and emphasis between the MFA and Presidency, we see this as reflecting different aspects of the French position: the GoF is convinced the status quo in the Arab world can't last, but for reasons of pragmatism more than principle, and is worried about what comes next. End comment. 15. (U) This message was cleared by DAS Carpenter. Leach
Latest source of this page is cablebrowser-2, released 2011-10-04