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| Identifier: | 05TAIPEI1026 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05TAIPEI1026 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | American Institute Taiwan, Taipei |
| Created: | 2005-03-09 09:32:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PREL PGOV MASS TW |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 TAIPEI 001026 SIPDIS STATE PASS AIT/W E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/09/2015 TAGS: PREL, PGOV, MASS, TW SUBJECT: DEFENSE PROCUREMENT SPECIAL BUDGET: PREPPING FOR THE LY Classified By: AIT Director Douglas Paal, Reason: 1.4 (B/D) 1. (C) Summary. The revised Defense Procurement Special Budget is still under discussion within the Executive Yuan (EY) in preparation for formal submission to the Legislative Yuan (LY). The Special Budget proposal that the Ministry of National Defense (MND) sent to the EY in February reduced the original NT $610.8 billion (US $18 billion) package to NT $590 billion, based entirely on U.S. dollar depreciation, with a further reduction to $488 billion if the submarines are not manufactured in Taiwan. Internal differences within the Chen administration, however, have slowed the review process and delayed finalization of the administration,s proposal. In the meantime, government leaders are meeting with opposition legislators in an effort to build support and work out a compromise package. For their part, Pan-Blue legislators continue to insist the package be further reduced to as low as NT $200-300 billion, either by splitting the tripartite package or by cutting the submarine component from the package. A number of political leaders have told AIT that they believe the Special Budget will face less opposition in the new post-election LY, particularly after the February 24 joint statement by President Chen Shui-bian and PFP Chair James Soong endorsing the purchase of weapons to provide an adequate self defense. MND, however, fears the legislative process could actually be more contentious in the new LY session, because the Pan-Blue opposition has been emboldened by its December LY election victory and is looking for opportunities to challenge the government. End Summary. 2. (U) After three weeks, the Defense Special Procurement Budget is still under review within the Chen administration. In mid-February, MND forwarded its revised Special Budget request to the EY, reduced to NT $590 billion from the original NT $610.8 billion package that was submitted to the LY in 2004, with the difference due exclusively to depreciation of the U.S. dollar against the NT dollar. At that time, the MND spokesman stated that the Special Budget could drop another NT $100 billion if the LY revoked its 2003 resolution requiring domestic submarine production. Finalizing the Special Budget ----------------------------- 3. (C) Government efforts to finalize the Special Budget proposal for submission to the LY and to devise a legislative strategy for passage have, according to Chen Wen-cheng, Special Advisor to Vice Minister of Defence Michael Tsai (Ming-hsien), been plagued by too many chiefs and too little coordination. MND, EY, and NSC, he explained, each have their own competing Special Budget Task Forces -- MND headed by Vice Minister Tsai, EY by Cabinet SecGen Lee Ying-yuan, and NSC by Henry Ke. The lack of coordination among the three, Chen said, had hampered efforts to finalize the Special Budget package for submission to the LY. 4. (C) Concerned by the lack of coordination, VMND Tsai held meetings the week of February 21-25 with Lee Ying-yuan and Henry Ke. As a result, Chen said, interaction had improved considerably with clearer delineation of functions within government agencies. NSC had been placed in charge of overall Special Budget policy and of assessing Taiwan and U.S. response, while PM Hsieh and the EY were responsible for negotiating with the LY, especially with Speaker Wang Jin-pyng, and for lobbying to rescind the legislative requirement for submarine construction in Taiwan. Finally, MND was assigned to lobby individual LY members and to negotiate with the U.S. on details of the Special Budget package. LY Politics ----------- 5. (C) Pan-Green officials have been telling AIT in recent weeks that they are increasingly confident the Pan-Blue would be more cooperative during the upcoming session. LY Speaker and KMT Vice Chair Wang Jin-pyng told AIT in mid-February that the KMT would be ready to proceed if MND would reduce the Special Budget price tag. KMT Chairman Lien Chan, however, is an unknown factor, who had earlier demanded that the package be funded at NT $300 billion, or half of the original proposal. 6. (C) The DPP government appears to be placing its hopes for Special Budget passage in the February 24 "Bian-Soong meeting" between President Chen Shui-bian and PFP Chair James Soong, which included an agreement that "Taiwan must have adequate national defense . . . (and) should purchase the weapons it needs according to its strategic goals of ensuring national security and cross-strait stability." NSC's Chiou I-jen and Ke Cheng-heng told the Director that they believe prospects for the Special Budget have improved because of the Bian-Soong meeting. Sources close to Soong have told AIT that the Special Budget is high on the agenda of their discussions with the Presidential office in the wake of the Bian-Soong meeting. (Comment. This is not the first time we have heard Soong insist that he is committed to supporting the Special Budget and military preparedness generally. Each time he has found a way to reverse course. He may again. End Comment.) 7. (C) MND, however, believes the legislative process could actually be more complex and difficult in the new legislative session, because the Pan-Blue opposition has been emboldened by its December LY election victory and will be even less cooperative. MND, Chen told AIT, faced two large &headaches8 over the Special Budget: a number of retired military officers in the LY claim a corner on defense issues, and many neophyte LY members have little knowledge about defense issues and are open to influence by self-proclaimed defense experts. 8. (C) A specific problem, Chen noted, was PFP LY Member Lin Yu-fang, one of the most influential LY members on defense issues and a key player on the Special Budget. Chen said that Lin -- who was Chen,s hhcollege Advisor -- was playing a fast political game, saying different things to different people. Lin Yu-fang, for example, had told VMND Tsai last week that he would have liked to have supported the Special Budget, but that he had no choice and had to follow his party,s leadership. Chen noted wrily that it was Lin who &is causing all the problems,8 as he virtually single-handedly determined the PFP position on the Special Budget. Separately, a number of PFP LY Members have told AIT that Lin has set himself up as the resident PFP defense expert, and most PFP Members, with their limited knowledge of defense issues, take their lead from Lin. Even Wang Jin-pyng has told AIT on several occasions that he would first have to see what Lin Yu-fang had to say on the Special Budget or other defense issue. Until the government finalized an LY strategy for the Special Budget, Chen said, MND was keeping Lin at arm,s length. LY Strategy ----------- 9. (C) Chen told AIT that PM Frank Hsieh insisted that the Special Budget must not be submitted to the LY until the way had been fully prepared. MND was concerned, however, that this reflected Hsieh,s top political priority of avoiding conflict with the opposition parties in order to advance Hsieh,s &consultative and coexistence8 governing program. Differences were inevitable on the Special Budget, scoffed Chen, and could be avoided only by reducing the package until it was toothless. Minister of National Defense Lee Jye, moreover, remained committed to the full Special Budget package, failing which he would almost certainly resign. 10. (C) For its part, MND is already at work lobbying key legislators to support the Special Budget once the government finalizes the bill and submits it to the LY. MND leaders and experts are regularly meeting with legislators from all parties and providing information on the Special Budget weapons systems. In response to AIT,s statement that many Pan-Blue legislators had complained to AIT about the lack of information from MND on the Special Budget, Chen replied that information was not the issue. There was plenty of good information available, he insisted, rather the problem was that opposition legislators were using the Special Budget as a political weapon to attack the ruling DPP. It was ironic, he noted, that the KMT had unreservedly supported advanced weapons procurement when it was in power before 2000, but now was merely &playing politics.8 11. (C) VMND Tsai is already meeting each day with LY members, lobbying them on the Special Budget. Arriving at the office of KMT LY member Lin Nan-sheng, long-time LY Defense Committee member, on March 8, AIT ran into VMND Tsai leaving. (The fact that Lin proceeded to confront AIT with the opposition charge that the U.S. is overcharging Taiwan, however, does not bode well for MND lobbying efforts.) Last week, When Tsai met with LY Speaker Wang, Wang gave his usual explanation that the KMT and Pan-Blue were not the obstacle to the Special Budget, but rather only wanted the cost reduced. For example, Wang suggested, submarines might be cut from the Special Budget package, bringing the cost way down. When Tsai responded that the Taiwan government and the U.S. would not accept splitting the Special Budget package, Wang rejoined that DUSD Lawless had told PFP Chair James Soong in Washington in mid-January that the U.S. would have no problem with excision of the submarines. (Note: Over the past several days, this refrain has been picked up by the Taiwan news media.) Chen, however, told AIT that MND Lee Jye was absolutely committed to the full tripartite package, particularly the submarines. He asked AIT whether Soong's account was accurate, explaining that the reports were complicating MND's Special Budget lobbying. 12. (C) Chen told AIT that MND believed the Pan-Blue coalition would probably be willing to accept the Special Budget if given a face saving reduction, which he defined as a price below the government,s formal Special Budget submission. MND believed the KMT would likely counter the EY,s NT $590 billion proposal with its own NT $388 billion, to which the EY would then counter with its NT $488 billion &bottom line.8 After haggling, Chen said, the government could probably settle on the sub-rock bottom figure of NT $450 billion -- the NT $488 billion figure minus NT $38 or so billion for support operations, which would be shifted to the regular budget. Later, however, Chen mused that MND could possibly go as low as NT $388 billion, a full NT $100 below its announced NT $488 billion bottom line, by shifting NT $100 billion into the regular defense budget for support items and on-shore facility maintenance. Comment ------- 13. (C) The MND view anticipating an even rockier road in the new LY differs from that of a number of LY members who have told AIT that LY consideration of the Special Budget should go more smoothly in the new LY session. The crucial determinant this go-round could be the success of PM Hsieh's proclaimed "conciliation and coexistence" style of government. At Hsieh's insistence, MND is working to prepare the groundwork in the LY before bringing the final government Special Budget package to the LY. This will provide the best chance for early submission and quick passage of the Defense Procurement Special Budget. The Chen-Soong meeting, moreover, has improved LY atmospherics and possibly Special Budget prospects, though Soong and the PFP have not announced their final position on the Special Budget. Nevertheless, the legislative process could still prove more contentious in the new LY session, because the Pan-Blue opposition has been emboldened by its December LY election victory and is looking for opportunities to challenge the government. PAAL
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