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| Identifier: | 02ABUJA1033 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 02ABUJA1033 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Abuja |
| Created: | 2002-04-02 15:53:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV PINS EFIN NI |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 ABUJA 001033 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/08/2012 TAGS: PGOV, PINS, EFIN, NI SUBJECT: NIGERIA: ETHNICITY DRIVING LOCAL POLITICS IN KOGI REF: ABUJA 829 Classified by Ambassador Howard F. Jeter. Reason: 1.5(b) 1. (U) Communal conflict and electoral politics are inextricably inter-linked in much of Nigeria. Paras 13-15 of reftel offer a brief general analysis of this insidious danger to the country's nascent democracy. There follows a specific illustrative case-in-point. 2. (U) Nigeria's Constitution establishes a formula for dividing the money flowing into the Federation Account among the three tiers of government -- federal, state and local. When one state is divided into two (for example, the division of old Bauchi into new Bauchi and Gombe), the two descendant states together get more federal revenue than did their common ancestor, even though total landmass and population are unchanged. While many factors influence revenue allocation (population, land area, tax base, etc.), one key criterion has always been "equality of states." This means a significant share of the revenue available for distribution to the states (historically 25-30 percent) is divided equally among them. The result is a tendency to divide Nigeria into ever more numerous, ever-smaller states. Since independence, Nigeria has gone from three regions, to four, to 12 states, to 19, 21, 30, and, most recently, 36. 3. (C) The common citizens of the new states get little or no benefit from creation of new states. In fact, they usually lose. Although the two new states together have more federally-allocated revenue than their predecessor, demands against that revenue are higher still. Elites come first, and that means schools, roads and clinics take a back seat to foreign travel, governor's mansions, offices, cars and an entirely new state-level civil service. 4. (U) The growth of government in the past decade has been greatest at the local level, however. While the number of states has not quite doubled, local government authorities (LGAs) have almost tripled (from 272 to 774). The same logic that drives state creation impels minting new LGAs. Moreover, ethnicity concerns, often veiled in state-creation debates, are right out in the open. LGAs get some revenue from their states and some from Abuja. A few LGAs generate significant revenue internally, but most would wither and die without state and federal money. 5. (U) Kogi State Governor Prince Abubakar Audu, an Igala, recently decided to create 25 new LGAs (bringing Kogi's total to 46). However, the majority of the new LGAs (14) were carved out of Igala-land. Areas dominated by Ibiris and Kabbas (the other two major Kogi tribes) together with 11 new LGAs, bringing their collective total to 23. The Igala also now have 23, even though they comprise just over one-third of the population. Moreover, Audu put the Ajaokuta steelworks in an Igala-dominated LGA, even though Ajaokuta itself is traditional Ibiri territory. 6. (U) Because resources and patronage flow to LGAs, Kogi's non-Igala inhabitants were upset. Okenne, the largest Ibiri-dominated town, erupted in violence during the week of March 11. Townspeople ordered the Ibiri Commissioners (members of Audu's cabinet) to resign. When they refused, their houses were torched. The Army records unit based at Lokoja was called in to restore order and reportedly did so without incident. 7. (C) Unrest has, unfortunately, continued. There are now reports of between four and ten deaths associated with LGA creation in Kogi. Kogi did not follow constitutional requirements for creation of new LGAs (see below), but Audu's Igala kinsmen are unlikely to take kindly to the near-certain court ruling against their new patronage vehicles. More unrest is nearly certain. Meanwhile, Kogi local governance, already in disarray because of funding shortfalls and corruption, is said now to be in a shambles, with no funds for the "take-off" of the new LGAs and the existing ones uncertain about the extent of their authority and responsibilities. 8. (U) A number of other states have also created new LGAs, among them Ebonyi, Ogun, Niger and Kebbi. Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos has vowed to do the same. While the GON had refused to acknowledge the new entities, it had heretofore trod gently. Conflict over the creation of new LGAs, or control over existing ones, has been a driving force behind communal conflict in the Niger Delta. In the wake of the Kogi violence, however, Attorney General Godwin Kanu Agabi March 14 declared all new LGAs illegal, claiming that no state government had followed proper procedures when establishing them. Whether Agabi's declaration will have any force of law remains to be seen. A court in Ebonyi ruled against the state government March 21 because it, like Kogi, manifestly failed to meet the constitution's requirements. However, Niger appears to have taken the proper constitutional course, and Agabi's rejection of its new LGAs would appear more difficult to justify. Continued resort to the courts is certain, though broad and authoritative decisions are doubtless many months away. Meanwhile, governors who see their political futures enhanced by LGA creation will likely ignore Agabi and blame any resource shortfalls on the federal government. Jeter
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