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| Identifier: | 05HALIFAX30 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05HALIFAX30 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Consulate Halifax |
| Created: | 2005-02-01 20:56:00 |
| Classification: | UNCLASSIFIED |
| Tags: | ECON EFIN PGOV BEXP EPET PINR CA Energy Newfoundland and Labrador Nova Scotia |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 HALIFAX 000030 SIPDIS FOR WHA/CAN E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: ECON, EFIN, PGOV, BEXP, EPET, PINR, CA, Energy, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia SUBJECT: ATLANTIC CANADIAN PERSPECTIVES: OFFSHORE ENERGY REVENUE DEAL REF: OTTAWA 0105 1. SUMMARY: The recently-concluded agreement on offshore revenues highlighted the differing tactics, strategies and personalities of Nova Scotia's John Hamm and Newfoundland-Labrador's Danny Williams. Although Hamm started the campaign to wrest more offshore revenues from the federal government, without Williams it is unlikely the deal would have closed. Economically, the arrangement could be a major shot in the arm to two fiscally-challenged provinces, depending on how the money is spent. Again, the contrast between the two leaders (supported by the citizens in their provinces) and their plans for the money is significant. END SUMMARY. 2. Negotiations for a new agreement on control of offshore energy revenues between the federal government, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland-Labrador showed an interesting contrast between the two provinces and their leaders. Although Nova Scotia's John Hamm started his "Campaign for Fairness" regarding offshore revenues four years ago, it took his quiet persistence combined with a Prime Minister eager for re-election and ultimately the confrontational antics of Newfoundland's Danny Williams to close the deal. 3. The now-completed accord has the potential to leave Halifax and St. John's in better fiscal shape, although much will depend on how the two "have-not" provinces make use of the up front payments against future offshore revenues that they will receive from Ottawa. Again, the way that the two Premiers have responded to their negotiating victory is an interesting study in contrasts. JOHN HAMM: STEADY HAND ON THE TILLER --------------------------------------------- -------------- -------- 4. Hamm's response to the deal and the C$830 million it will bring in to Nova Scotia was typically low-key. The retired country doctor who entered provincial politics seemingly on a whim acted quickly to tamp down a frenzy of speculation on how to spend the money by announcing flatly that it would go toward the province's roughly C$12.5 billion debt. Reducing the debt, he said, would free up approximately C$45 million from interest payments each year that could be used in various ways in the budget. Opposition politicians and business and labor groups were quick to offer their suggestions on what to do with the windfall, but these have been relatively muted. Most in the province seem willing to give Hamm credit for dogged pursuit of a goal and to allow him to call the shots on where the money goes. His dedication to fiscal prudence is well known, and most voters in the province seem ready to trust him on this call. 5. Longer term, it is not clear that the deal will have much of an impact on Hamm's own political fortunes, nor those of his Progressive Conservative party. Hamm himself is trusted and widely respected but if he is removed from the equation -- he almost certainly will not run in the next election -- the Tory party does not fare as well in opinion polls. Nevertheless, neither of the opposition parties seem willing to force an election early in the spring when the budget is presented and debated, and if they do not attack then they lose their chance for another year. DANNY WILLIAMS: THE BAD COP --------------------------------------------- ----- 6. It is hard to imagine more of a contrast between Hamm's quiet persistence and Newfoundland-Labrador's Premier Danny Williams's flamboyant approach to the same issue. Williams stalked out of meetings, negotiated via the press, accused the Prime Minister of lying, and at one point ordered the Canadian flag to be taken down from in front of provincial buildings. Williams from the start took the negotiating position that the federal government had for years perverted the meaning of the Atlantic Accord. His position is supported by former Finance Minister John Crosby who has frequently accused the Liberal government of violating the deal he helped draft and put in place, and by pretty much everyone else in Newfoundland, where the sense of resentment toward the center is palpable. Williams's natural style -- in negotiating as well as hockey -- is full steam ahead and hard checking in the corners. His effort this time to get every nickel off the table had widespread support in his home province, even among those with whom he had fought the hardest. Opposition Leader Roger Grimes, for example, told CG in early 2004 that if Williams could pull off a deal on offshore revenues -- which Grimes as Premier had tried but failed to do -- "I'll vote for him myself and urge everyone else to do so as well." 7. The "flag flap" served to increase national attention on the offshore debate, which was Williams's intention; however, at the same time it temporarily made a deal very difficult to arrange. The Prime Minister could not be seen to be "cowed" by a provincial Premier who was openly disparaging the Canadian flag, but neither could he afford to stir up a major federal-provincial debate in his minority government position. And while the vast majority of Newfoundlanders support Williams' offshore revenues position, the support for his "flag flap" was considerably lower. Williams' decision to replace the Canadian flags on January 10, therefore, was an unsurprising tactical retreat. He did manage a small media coup, but further obstinacy would only serve to further inflame his position via Ottawa. Following an exchange of letters, the Prime Minister agreed to a meeting with Williams in Ottawa that ultimately resulted in a deal. 8. Williams's next challenge will be what to do with the C$2 billion that is Newfoundland-Labrador's up front share of the revenue. Here again the contrast with Hamm is interesting. Williams has taken more than a few bows and basked in the limelight of his victory, but has also implied that he has no immediate plan for how to use the windfall. Even the possibility of wage increases for provincial civil servants -- something Williams rejected categorically months ago after enduring a lengthy civil service strike -- may be on the table. He has implied that some of the money will go to debt relief (at over C$20,000 per head Newfoundland-Labrador has the highest per capita provincial debt in Canada), some to social programs, some to infrastructure and some to economic development. Carving up the cash will doubtless provide other opportunities for "The Daniator" as he is known to demonstrate his take-no-prisoners negotiating style with different provincial interest groups. COMMENT ---------------- 9. We leave it to others to decide if this deal was a good one for Canada as a whole, and what it means longer-term for federal-provincial relations and for the elaborate system of equalization payments that move money from the center and west of the country to Quebec and points east, as well as for Prime Minister Martin's minority government. A key factor in the negotiations was that, despite their divergent personal styles, Hamm and Williams hung together and did not allow the federal government to divide and conquer. As a result, from the perspective of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland-Labrador, the agreement was unquestionably a good one. If the money is used wisely to create conditions for a more self-sustaining economic base in each province, it will come to be seen in future as a truly great deal. END COMMENT. HILL
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