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| Identifier: | 05SANAA180 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05SANAA180 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Sanaa |
| Created: | 2005-02-01 05:33:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV KMPI YM KHUM KMCC DEMOCRATIC REFORM |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 SANAA 000180 SIPDIS STATE PLEASE PASS TO MCA E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/19/2015 TAGS: PGOV, KMPI, YM, KHUM, KMCC, DEMOCRATIC REFORM SUBJECT: WITH CHALLENGES AHEAD, YEMENI NGOS LOOK FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE REF: SANAA 2498 Classified By: DCM Nabeel Khoury for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). 1. (U) Summary. Yemen has a developing cadre of local NGOs focused on developing civil society and democracy in the country. Leaders of these organizations report that the local NGO community is highly motivated to affect change, but that they are severely lacking in capacity. Skills training, regional and international civil society exchange programs and increased funding are essential to the development of Yemeni NGOs if they are to become capable partners in reform. Overcoming significant political obstacles, however, depends on a willingness of the ROYG to see civil society groups as a partner in making reform policy. End Summary. ------------------------------ NGOs Rooted in Yemen's History ------------------------------ 2. (SBU) In a meeting with DCM, Dr. Mohammed al-Masyabi, of the Yemen Development Foundation (YDF), explained that part of the problem is that most Yemeni NGO workers are unable to navigate the modern legal infrastructure created by the ROYG in the late nineties. Most NGO experience, he continued, originates from the northern Yemeni "Cooperatives" of the 1970,s, and from the "Local Councils" of the former Communist South. After unification, these groups reconstituted themselves as ad-hoc local charities, only becoming legally operating NGOs with wider mandates in the late 1990,s. These groups still lack the capacity to articulate strategic objectives, or to take proactive measures. (Note: As an example of local NGOs, poor capacity, DCM spoke at an October 10 NGO forum in which he called for greater effort towards building democracy and offered US resources where appropriate. His audience failed to take advantage of the offer and most preferred to end the forum with rhetoric rather than focus on practical measures. End Note). 3. (C) Many Yemeni NGOs are indeed willing to critically examine their society. Several NGO heads candidly discussed with emboffs sensitive issues in Yemen such as press freedoms, the use of torture by the security services and women's rights. They are aware, however, of the many governmental challenges that prevent progress in these areas, such as lack of cooperation between ROYG ministries and agencies, the compartmentalization activities and information among the various security services, and, most importantly, the lack of President Saleh,s willingness to pay more than lip service to demands for tangible programs on democratization. ------------------------ Democracy, Within Limits ------------------------ 4. (C) NGOs which choose to tackle issues of political freedom risk crossing numerous &red lines8 if they address issues the ROYG considers taboo, similar to the situation Yemeni journalists are currently grappling with (reftel). The fear of an ad-hoc prosecution or an attack from the ROYG or ruling party newspapers stifles direct advocacy. (Note: After one human rights NGO leader spoke with pol/econoff, a ruling party newspaper accused him of passing intelligence to foreign embassy staff. End note). 5. (C) Dr. Masyabi also noted to DCM that the very goal of democracy building was a still a "sensitive subject" in Yemen. Other NGO heads, such as the heads of the Yemen Female Media Forum and a group called the Civic Democratic Forum, echoed the same sentiments to pol/econoff. -------------------- Political Challenges -------------------- 6. (C) Yemeni NGOs cite "significant" political challenges. Several NGOs complain that if their organization were to become too strong or effective, it risked being "hijacked" by the ruling General People's Congress (GPC) by either stacking internal elections with GPC loyalists or creating registration problems with a relevant ministry. NGO officials also point to the ROYGs unwillingness to accept that true democracy building requires partnership between the government and organs of civil society. (Note: "Hijacked" NGOs are usually identifiable by their concern over how their meetings with foreigners might be reported and their peppering their speech with praise for Saleh. End note). 7. (C) Difficulties with institution building, internecine squabbling and a lack of cooperation between organizations also hinder NGO development. Several interlocutors pointed to an endemic lack of trust among local NGOs, which in turn hinders information sharing and prevents collaboration that could serve to strengthen local NGOs collectively. Several NGO officials often snipe that other civic organizations are "not real." According to common wisdom, although there are over 2000 NGOs in Yemen, only a handful can be considered "real ones." (Comment: infighting and a lack of common cause among NGOs is a reflection of the Yemeni political culture at large which lacks cohesion around a common goal. The lack of skills and a modern business infrastructure, however, seriously hamper Yemeni NGOs from taking on major partners and limit Yemen's ability to absorb donor aid. End Comment). --------------------------- Momentum Starting to Build --------------------------- 8. (U) NGO leaders believe that despite the many challenges, energy is building within the NGO community. They also repeatedly point to the fact that NGO seminars and conferences are well attended and often draw ROYG ministers. Three types of Yemeni NGOs have proven most effective to date: Islamic-based charities which tend to be the most successful at fundraising; Government-based NGOs, such as the al-Saleh Foundation, which are able to grab the media limelight while failing to enhance the role of civil society; and, human and women's rights NGOs which are increasingly effective at organizing mass conferences to call attention to human rights issues. 9. (U) The Islamic-based charities are a mixed bag, some appear quiet legitimate while others, like the al-Ihsan Foundation, have extremist-Wahabi leanings. Most difficult to assess are those falling in-between. The Islah Charitable Society, for example, is the oldest NGO in Yemen. Although it maintains a fundamentalist ideology in practice it works within the system and advocates a pluralist approach to political change. 10. (U) Government-based NGOs have the advantage of the state-run media behind their campaigns. Insiders in the NGO community complain that such institutions, particularly the al-Saleh Foundation, which is linked to the President's family, swallow smaller NGOs and force others to align their efforts with them. Nevertheless, even some government-affiliated NGOS have been successful at resisting government control over their agenda. The National Council for Women (NWC), for example, has repeatedly proven to be a challenge to the ROYG despite their governmental affiliation and partial cooptation by the larger and more official Saleh group. When asked to comment on her group's government affiliation in light of having to challenge that same government for change, the head of NWC, Ramzia al-Iriyani, noted to pol/econoff that it is in fact easier to challenge those in &your family.8 11. (U) Human Rights NGOs are proving very effective at organizing mass conferences that call attention to human rights problems. One women's rights NGO recently organized a conference that witnessed calls for a "real" representative government. Despite such verbal challenges, however, these organizations are still not able to affect ROYG behavior or effectively galvanize public opinion behind their calls for reform. ------- Comment ------- 12. (C) Yemeni NGOs are beginning to publicly call for a true role in developing their country. Yemeni civil society is filled with enthusiastic activists who are willing to dedicate considerable time and effort to organizing, raising consciousness and lobbying. NGOs, however, neither sway the government's behavior nor significantly affect public opinion as of yet. There is an opportunity for Public Diplomacy, MEPI, and USAID programming, through partnership, training and direct support to effectively contribute to the development of Yemen's nascent civil society at this early but crucial phase of its development. What needs to be monitored is how far the ROYG will let NGOs go in their advocacy and how far NGOs will actually push for true respect of human and civil rights in order to allow for civil society to take hold. Krajeski
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