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| Identifier: | 05TAIPEI344 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05TAIPEI344 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | American Institute Taiwan, Taipei |
| Created: | 2005-01-27 10:05:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PREL PGOV TW |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 TAIPEI 000344 SIPDIS STATE PASS AIT/W E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/27/2015 TAGS: PREL, PGOV, TW SUBJECT: DPP'S SOONG STRATEGY REF: TAIPEI 312 Classified By: AIT Director Douglas Paal, Reason: 1.4 (B/D) 1. (C) Summary: Senior Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) officials say they will continue contacts with People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong as part of an effort to divide and demoralize the Pan-Blue coalition. DPP strategists believe that the DPP and Soong share a number of short-term objectives, including protecting the PFP from a forced merger with the KMT and derailing any attempt by Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou to take over as KMT Chairman. In exchange for boosting Soong's profile, the DPP administration hopes the PFP will cooperate on the Special Defense Procurement Budget and other major legislation during the Spring Legislative Yuan (LY) session. However, they acknowledge that Soong's room for maneuver is limited by his support base's hostility to the DPP administration. While the DPP plans to keep up back channel contacts with Soong, it is also reaching out to disaffected KMT members to undermine the PFP's attempts to secure the LY Vice Speaker position. The DPP has succeeded in keeping the Pan-Blue off balance, but its manipulations may cost the new Hsieh cabinet a measure of goodwill in the upcoming LY session. End Summary. Denial and Deception -------------------- 2. (C) DPP officials say they will continue to maintain back channel communications with PFP Chairman James Soong over possible tactical cooperation despite recent public affirmations of renewed Pan-Blue cooperation. DPP political strategist and Executive Yuan (EY) Research, Development, and Evaluation Council (RDEC) Vice Minister Chen Chun-lin told AIT that the ruling party decided shortly after the December 11 LY election that engaging Soong would help dampen Pan-Blue momentum coming out of the election. "We wanted to exploit the high level of mistrust within the Pan-Blue to ensure we didn't have to face a united and energized LY majority," he added. Chen and other officials say the DPP administration also plans to maintain contacts with Soong to secure specific policy and political objectives. Chen Shui-bian confidante and Hakka Affairs Council (HAC) Minister Luo Wen-chia told AIT that the main channel of communications runs directly to Soong via the president's immediate political advisors (Comment: likely to mean Presidential Office Secretary Ma Yung-chen. End Comment.). 3. (C) Presidential Office Deputy Secretary General James Huang told AIT that the Chen administration's stated goal for reaching out to Soong is to secure a working majority in the LY to pass major legislation. Huang noted that Soong's recent remarks on the Special Defense Procurement Budget suggest that he is willing to soften the PFP's pre-election stance against LY action on the budget. Huang added that the president still hopes that Soong will accept his offer to chair the "Cross-Strait Peace and Stability Committee." 4. (C) DPP Deputy Secretary General Y.Y. Lee told AIT that the likelihood of Soong chairing the cross-Strait committee was not as remote as it might appear at first glance. "His party may abandon him at some point," Lee remarked, "so he'll need some sort of platform to keep his political career alive through 2008." Lee predicted that Soong would not accept any position in the near-term. "Given their (PFP supporters) current frame of mind," Lee added, "Soong would be pelted with eggs if he took a job with the DPP." Chung Chia-bing, the DPP's other Deputy Secretary General, emphasized the point that the government's target is Soong, not the PFP as a party. Chung noted that in the future, there will inevitably be a growing divergence between PFP politicians, who need to focus on their own political future, and their charismatic leader. PFP Policy Chief Vincent Chang (Hsien-yao), a long-time Soong loyalist, told AIT that Soong does not rule out taking the cross-Strait post at some point in the future if the DPP were to offer policy concessions in return. Unholy Alliance --------------- 5. (C) The EY's Chen commented that DPP efforts to boost Soong's standing may even help him stay within the Pan-Blue tent, an outcome that would also serve DPP long-term interests. "We share the common goal with Soong, (LY Speaker) Wang Jin-pyng, and (KMT Chairman) Lien Chan in seeing that (popular Taipei Mayor) Ma Ying-jeou does not become KMT Chairman in August," Chen asserted. Chen added, "if we're lucky, Soong will cut a deal with Lien and Wang to come back as KMT Chair, where he could really ruin Ma's chances for 2008." Divide and Conquer ------------------ 6. (C) DPP officials say that despite their ongoing efforts to woo Soong, and build a working relationship with the new Pan-Blue LY majority, they will continue to play the KMT and PFP against each other at every opportunity. The DPP's Lee confirmed reports that the DPP was reaching out to anti-PFP members of the KMT LY Caucus to break ranks in the vote over the early February vote on the Pan-Blue's joint LY Speaker/Vice Speaker ticket. The effort appeared to pay off on January 27, when the PFP delivered an ultimatum to the KMT that it either enforce party discipline on the Chung election or face a defection by PFP Members in the vote to re-elect of LY Speaker Wang. Comment: A Perishable Resource ------------------------------ 7. (C) While Soong's flirtation with the DPP has helped both sides undermine KMT morale in the wake of the party's surprise December 11 LY showing, there are limits to how far the relationship can develop. Soong is playing a high-stakes game by trying to force concessions from all corners. If he overplays his hand, he could soon find himself without a party to bargain with. For its part, the DPP's attempts to play both the KMT and PFP off against each other could backfire by eroding prospects for building a modicum of trust between the opposition parties and the soon-to-be formed Hsieh cabinet. At the very least, the DPP's flirtation with Soong raises questions over the DPP's commitment to Hsieh's promise to create a "new model" for cross-partisan cooperation (Reftel). PAAL
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