Disclaimer: This site has been first put up 15 years ago. Since then I would probably do a couple things differently, but because I've noticed this site had been linked from news outlets, PhD theses and peer rewieved papers and because I really hate the concept of "digital dark age" I've decided to put it back up. There's no chance it can produce any harm now.
| Identifier: | 05BANGKOK673 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 05BANGKOK673 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Bangkok |
| Created: | 2005-01-26 07:21:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV TH Thai Prime Minister TRT |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 BANGKOK 000673 SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR EAP, EAP/BCLTV; PACOM FOR FPA HUSO. E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/26/2015 TAGS: PGOV, TH, Thai Prime Minister, TRT - Thai Rak Thai, Elections - Thai SUBJECT: THAILAND REFOCUSES ON NATIONAL ELECTION Classified By: Political Counselor Robert Clarke. Reason: 1.4 (d) 1. (C) Summary: Thailand continues its relief and reconstruction efforts in the wake of last month's tsunami, but the nation is also focusing on the approaching February 6 national elections. Almost 45 million Thais are expected to go to the polls. All 500 hundred parliamentary seats (400 constituencies and 100 party list seats) -- and control of the next government -- are at stake. As noted in earlier reporting, virtually all the money is on a significant re-election victory for Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party. Presiding over an expanding economy and enjoying a spurt in public approval because of his strong role in directing the country's tsunami relief campaign, Thaksin eclipses his lackluster chief rival, Democrat Party (DP) leader Banyat Bantadtan. Many observers here believe that the TRT might win up to 322 parliamentary seats, with the DP projected to win about 112. Under this projection, the Chart Thai (CT) and the Mahachon might pick up 44 and 21 seats respectively. The remaining seat is tipped for the New Aspiration Party (one holdout member who did not join TRT). Presumably, the Chat Thai and/or Mahachon parties would be available to join the TRT in a stronger coalition, although TRT could form a government on its own with 322 seats. (The CT was in coalition with the Thaksin's first government, and Mahachon has also made it quite clear that their bloc would go anywhere their interests could be satisfied). End Summary. IN THE WAKE OF TSUNAMI TRAGEDY THAILAND TURNS TO A NATIONAL ELECTION 2. (U) On February 6, some six weeks after the devastating tsunami that killed thousands of Thais and foreign tourists SIPDIS and caused billions in damage, Thais will vote for a new government. Almost 45 million Thais are expected to cast ballots for all 400 constituency seats and 100 party list seats in Parliament. Thaksin is being tipped by virtually all observers here as the winner by a decisive margin. THAKSIN RIDING A WAVE OF POPULARITY 3. (SBU) Thaksin has had some setbacks over the past year -- including accusations his government initially tried to cover-up the avian flu outbreak (and might be continuing to downplay it), and failed to stem increasing violence in the south and rising fuel prices. Nevertheless, he appears to be still viewed favorably by most Thais as a decisive leader who has brought Thailand back from the throes of the 1997 economic collapse. His populist policies, such as the 30 baht medical plan, the village development fund and debt moratorium, have proven to be tremendously successful with the vast majority of the public. Thaksin's opponents are now imitating him and offering their own programs. The DP has switched from charging that TRT is bankrupting the country to coming up with its own public entitlement plans. When poloffs recently visited the northeastern Thailand, they noted a plethora of DP, CT and Mahachon posters promising voters free education, free medical care and monthly government payments to elderly Thais. 4. (SBU) Despite extensive international criticism over his heavy-handed methods in dealing with Muslim separatists in Thailand's deep south and his 2003 bloody war on drugs, the Prime Minister's style has in general been supported by the Thai public. In the case of southern violence, general (non-Muslim) Thai attitudes in other regions of the country range from support for a crackdown to indifference. Thaksin has been a consummate master of public relations at home and very successfully played up his image as a player on the international stage. His refusal to accept direct international financial assistance in the wake of last month's Tsunami played well to Thai nationalist sentiments. Thaksin's televised and flag-draped announcement that Thailand had paid off its IMF loans two years early was another example of his ability to appeal to the public's sense of patriotism. Even Thaksin's "unscripted" outbursts to unwelcome press questions have been perceived by many voters as proof that he is unafraid to share his unvarnished opinions. DEMOCRAT PARTY IN THE DOLDRUMS 5. (C) In contrast, the DP has thus far failed to catalyze public excitement for its leadership or policies. While "Thaksinomics" has been credited with a rapidly growing economy and rising expectations, the DP under lackluster leader Banyat Bantadtan spent the past three and a half years mourning that Thailand's future is being mortgaged to subsidize the government's populist programs -- before proposing similar programs of its own. The Democrats are still perceived by many Thai voters as having mortgaged the country to the IMF and other foreigners in the wake of the 1997-98 crisis. In contrast, the image of Thaksin is that he was able to take back control of Thailand's destiny while growing the economy. Banyat replaced Chuan Leekpai as Party Leader in a bitter contest with younger and more dynamic Deputy Leader Abhiset Vejjajiva in 2002, thereby ending any chance of a DP candidate who might have competed with Thaksin on charisma. DP observers are fond of saying that Abhiset is biding his time, angling to replace Banyat after the DP is defeated next month, which indicates their low expectations for the 2005 elections. But Abhiset in fact has had no other choice since Banyat outmaneuvered him in 2002 among the DP apparatchiks. HOW DO THE NUMBERS LOOK? 6. (SBU) Recent polls suggest that even looking to Abhiset in the next elections would be a long stretch for the opposition. Over the January 22-23 weekend, various newspaper and polling organizations came up with numbers indicating that TRT would take 254 of the 400 constituency seats to the DP's 85, CT's 39, and Mahachon's 21. The polls also report that the TRT will take 24 of Bangkok's 37 seats while DP will garner 12 and the CT 1. Combined with party list seats (100 national, non-constituency seats awarded proportionately to those parties who pick up five percent or more of the countrywide vote) TRT is predicted to grab an overall 322 seats to the DP's 112, CT's 44, Mahachon's 21 and NAP's 1.. Barnharn Silpa-archa's Chart Thai will get its best results in Northeast and Central Thailand. CT has been a TRT coalition partner and is expected to be invited to join a new TRT government. 7. (SBU) The Mahachon party is a bit more of a question mark. Headed by Anek Laothamathat and disgruntled DP ex-Secretary General Sanan Kachornprasart, this party was only formed in mid-2003 and its ideology is suspect. Anek and Sanan declare that they represent the "third way," a true alternative to the TRT and DP. Cynics predict that its decision on whether to join the government or the opposition will be based on who offers the highest bid for its affections. The party has been campaigning aggressively and will likely perform best in Northeast Thailand. 8. (SBU) Regionally, TRT is widely expected to dominate everywhere but in the South. In the North, Thaksin's home region, pollsters give the TRT 59 of 76 seats. In the vote rich but economically lagging Northeast, Thaksin's medical care and loan programs could help his party win 98 of 136 seats. In the Bangkok Metropolitan area and in Central Thailand, the TRT has been tipped to win 24 out of 37 and 63 out of 97 seats respectively. Only in the South, much of it a traditional DP stronghold, does TRT come out worse than its DP rival. This week's polls suggest that the DP could take 44 of 54 seats in the region. 9. (SBU) Complicating the situation of Thaksin in the South are the legal travails of the man he appointed to lead the TRT offensive in the region. Earlier this month DP MP Nipit Intarasombat accused Deputy Agriculture Minister Newin Chidchob -- who is heading up the TRT electoral campaign in the South -- of flatly offering money for votes. Nipit submitted an alleged tape recording of Newin making his offer as evidence. Feigning to be stung by the allegation, Newin struck back by suing Nipit for libel and accusing him of falsifying the tape. Newin may have a hard time protesting his innocence as many remember that there were allegations of vote buying against him in the 1995 elections when he was with the Chart Thai Party -- he was kept on because of his value as a fund-raiser and faction leader. As is typical in Thai elections, the mud is flying in other directions too. A Senator from Sing Buri province announced that he had received complaints from some voters that CT leader and former PM Barnharn Silpa-archa, while campaigning for a CT candidate, made possibly illegal money-for votes promises. Both Newin and Barnharn are under threat of being "red carded" (i.e. disqualified from the elections) by the National Election Commission, but this outcome seems unlikely at the moment. 10. (SBU) Comment: This election is being bitterly fought at the local level, with reports of canvassers being threatened and killed (septel). But on the national level, most informed observers are predicting a significant TRT victory, with their debates limited largely to the degree of Thaksin's win. Though he suffered several stumbles last year on the avian flu and southern security, Thaksin has largely emerged with his popularity intact, and even enhanced. The economy is still growing at an impressive clip. Thaksin's quick, high visibility response to last month's tsunami disaster, in which he was highlighted in the media on a daily basis comforting distressed villagers, delegating responsibility and setting deadlines, has buttressed his reputation as a decisive leader. The Thai people feel that their lot is getting better and they perceive Thaksin Shinawatra as the source of the largesse they enjoy. Thai voters are expected to give him a significant mandate for another term as Prime Minister. BOYCE
Latest source of this page is cablebrowser-2, released 2011-10-04