US embassy cable - 04BRATISLAVA1115

C O N F I D E N T I A L  BRATISLAVA 001115 
 
SIPDIS 
 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/23/2014 
TAGS: PGOV, PINR, LO 
SUBJECT: ETHNIC HUNGARIAN AND SLOVAK PARTIES SQUARE OFF 
 
Classified By: DCM Scott N. Thayer for reasons 1.4(b) and (d). 
 
1. (SBU) Relations between the Hungarian Coalition Party 
(SMK) and the other three parties of the governing coalition 
have suffered due to what many ethnic Slovak politicians see 
as growing radicalism within the SMK.  During the summer, the 
SMK demanded that parliament adopt Hungarian as an official 
language, renewed public discussion about "autonomy" for 
parts of southern Slovakia, and pushed for a new Environment 
Fund beyond the control of the Ministry of Finance.  These 
initiatives came against a backdrop of concern among Slovak 
politicians that SMK-led local government decisions 
concerning education and employment were increasingly being 
made according to ethnicity.  Slovak parties decided to 
counter these trends by uniting forces against the SMK in the 
next local elections in certain regions, to which Hungarian 
politicians reacted angrily.  Distrust between the Hungarian 
party and coalition partners will likely increase in the 
lead-up to regional and parliamentary elections. 
Nonetheless, the SMK remains a strong supporter of PM 
Dzurinda's reform agenda, and the government will not fall 
over these disagreements.  End Summary. 
 
New Cracks in the Relationship 
------------------------------ 
 
2. (SBU) In contrast to the first Dzurinda government 
(1998-2002) when SMK threatened to withdraw from the 
coalition on a number of occasions, the current coalition has 
maintained stable relations.  SMK has defended unpopular 
initiatives from Hungary, such as the Status Law and the 
recent referendum on dual citizenship for all ethnic 
Hungarians, but the GOS overcame these differences of 
opinion.  However, relations between the SMK and other 
government members have become strained along ethnic lines in 
the lead up to regional elections in November 2005. 
 
3. (C) In August, three separate SDKU officials told us that 
the SMK seemed increasingly radical with demands to speak 
Hungarian in Parliament and talk of "autonomy" in some 
regions of southern Slovakia.  Tatiana Rosova, Dzurinda's 
public opinion advisor, mentioned that the prime minister was 
unhappy about SMK's statements, which he believed were 
supported not only by a few outspoken nationalistic 
politicians, but also by SMK Chairman Bela Bugar. (Note: 
According to November polling, Bela Bugar ranked as the third 
most trusted Slovak politician, ahead of all other members of 
the GOS).  Rosova added that the SMK strategically had waited 
until EU entry to launch new initiatives concerning ethnic 
issues.  Kamil Homola, Director of the SDKU's central office, 
expressed concern about complaints from ethnic Slovaks in 
mostly-Hungarian villages that SMK has pushed many Slovaks 
out of local positions.  He also confided that SDKU MEPs said 
SMK MEPs were more interested in representing Hungarian 
concerns in Brussels, than in speaking for Slovakia.  SDKU MP 
Tomas Galbavy stated that recent demands went beyond 
acceptable limits.  He added that the SMK is strongly 
influenced by the Hungarian party FIDESZ and its chairman 
Viktor Orban, who encourages ethnic Hungarians to press for 
greater autonomy. 
 
Ganging-Up on Hungarians 
------------------------ 
 
4. (C) Recently, SDKU started discussions in the Nitra region 
on forming local coalitions, excluding the SMK but leaving 
the door open to other Slovak parties including Vladimir 
Meciar's HZDS.  Nitra has one of the largest ethnic Hungarian 
populations.  SMK politicians reacted angrily even though in 
the previous regional elections they ran on a single ticket. 
In 2001, SMK swept four districts in Nitra claiming nearly 60 
percent of the vote.  The three remaining districts went to 
an opposition coalition (HZDS, Smer, SDL, SOP), without a 
single seat gained by other governing coalition parties.  A 
similar situation occurred in Trnava where the SMK won 14 
seats and the Christian Democrats (KDH) received two seats, 
with the remainder of the 40 seats going to a coalition of 
opposition parties.  In the Kosice region, SMK ran with SDKU 
and Smer, and they won the majority of seats.  (Note:  In the 
2001 regional elections, most coalitions at the local level 
were formed independen of national politics based on local 
conditions and personalities.) SMK appealed to coalition 
partners to open negotiations in Nitra, but so far there has 
been no response. 
 
5.   (C) Dzurinda stated that current discussions about 
candidate lists are not meant to "be against" any one party, 
but are intended to allow each party to successfully utilize 
its potential in the region.  MP Alexej Ivanko from the 
break-away Freedom Forum confirmed that local coalitions of 
Slovak parties in some regions will likely be formed 
consisting of both governmental and opposition candidates. 
He said Slovak politicians are growing increasingly concerned 
with the SMK monopoly in Nitra and suspect that money is not 
being equitably distributed.  Even some prominent ethnic 
 
Hungarian activists commented that the Hungarian dominance in 
the region has lead to increased cronyism and misconduct. 
 
SMK Hungarian Nationalists Strengthen 
------------------------------------ 
 
6. (C) The push by SMK to adopt Hungarian as an official 
language of Parliament created concern not only among Slovak 
coalition members, but also among some SMK members.  SMK MP 
Pal Farkas told poloffs that he was not pleased about the 
ultimate direction of the party after Miklos Duray's 
Coexistence faction, formerly a stand-alone Hungarian 
nationalist party before joining the SMK, was significantly 
strengthened in the last party elections.  At the 2003 party 
congress, Duray's wing won five of the eight 
vice-chairmanships of the party; both MEPs elected on the SMK 
ticket are Duray supporters.  At a recent party congress, SMK 
leaders decided to ignore party statutes requiring elections 
to replace officers that left for the European Parliament, in 
order not to further strengthen Duray's position.  (Comment: 
There is real difference of opinion about the long-term role 
of Coexistence.  Some other SMK members are dismissive, 
portraying its adherents as largely older, rural, and less 
educated, and thus destined for eventual political oblivion. 
Others, however, note that since he is the only senior SMK 
leader without a government position, he has the time and 
ability to act independent politically. He also is the most 
active in trying organize and influence Hungarian youth. End 
Comment.) 
 
7. (C) SMK Chairman Bela Bugar told the Ambassador that the 
rhetoric is just that--mostly superficial.  He reminded the 
Ambassador that the SMK is also a coalition party, with three 
wings that he must hold together.  Therefore, he must do lip 
service to some of the more extreme views.  (Comment: United, 
the SMK wins a steady 10-11 percent of the vote.  If it were 
to split, there might not be any Hungarians in government 
because the micro-parties probably would not obtain the 
required 5 percent minimum. End comment.) 
 
New Ministry Environment Fund Criticized 
---------------------------------------- 
 
8. (SBU) In October, SMK Environmental Minister Laszlo Miklos 
proposed creating an off-budget fund for environmental 
projects to distribute approximately one billion SKK (33 
million USD).  Coalition parties opposed the idea, saying 
that the fund would be ineligible for audit, which sets a 
dangerous precedent and is not transparent.  SMK overturned a 
presidential veto of the law creating the new fund with the 
support of opposition parties, which was the first time SMK 
lobbied across the aisle.  Observers predict that this new 
fund will be the SMK "cash cow" used to pay for favors and 
finance election campaigns. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
9. (SBU)  SMK has been a reliable partner in the governing 
coalition.  Bela Bugar has openly criticized PM Dzurinda's 
leadership style, and even suggested he resign after Ivan 
Simko resigned from the SDKU with several other MP's, but the 
personality conflicts did not hinder the government's reform 
program.  As Slovakia enters the pre-election period 
(regional elections are scheduled for November 2005 and 
national elections for November 2006), the SMK is focused on 
its own political agenda and on rewarding supporters.  The 
ongoing debates on minority issues, especially the December 5 
referendum in Hungary on dual citizenship for all ethnic 
Hungarians, are likely to energize voters and further 
strengthen the nationalist wing in SMK.  Thus there will be a 
multi-layerd relationship between the "Slovak" coalition 
parties and the SMK.  They will cooperate on a national 
agenda while competing for electoral seats at the local 
level, and will keep a careful watch on SMK management of the 
Environment and Construction Ministries that control generous 
resources from EU funds. 
WEISER 
 
 
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