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| Identifier: | 04TAIPEI3848 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 04TAIPEI3848 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | American Institute Taiwan, Taipei |
| Created: | 2004-12-06 07:38:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV TW |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 TAIPEI 003848 SIPDIS STATE PASS AIT/W E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/26/2014 TAGS: PGOV, TW SUBJECT: LY ELECTION PREVIEW: A TALE OF TWO HSINCHUS Classified By: AIT Director Douglas Paal, Reason 1.4 (B/D) 1. (C) Summary: With a total of six open seats, Hsinchu city (three seats) and Hsinchu county (three seats) are two northern districts where the battle between Pan-Green and Pan-Blue forces for control of the Legislative Yuan (LY) could be determined. The Pan-Blue, which currently holds a two-to-one seat advantage in both districts, appears likely to maintain its margin in Hsinchu city but is in danger of losing one seat in Hsinchu county. The Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) strategic nomination of two candidates in the county, while a calculated gamble, could yield a handsome pay-off. The Kuomintang (KMT), blackmailed by its own grass-roots members, was forced to put forward a second KMT candidate in the northern part of the county as a response to the DPP's aggressive strategy. The KMT's second nomination, however, has diluted Pan-Blue support for the People First Party's (PFP) only candidate, a newcomer, and presented the DPP with the chance to capture two out of the three seats in a traditionally strong, but now divided, Pan-Blue district. End Summary. Straightforward Race in Hsinchu City ----------------------------------- 2. (C) A separate administrative and legislative election district from its sister county, Hsinchu city has a population of 402,000 that is a mixture of traditional, low-skilled workers and high-skilled techies. In past elections the city has leaned Pan-Blue, giving the KMT and the PFP one seat each in the 2001 legislative election and 55 percent of the vote to the Lien-Soong ticket in the 2004 presidential race. Various polls show continuing strong support for KMT and PFP candidates that, coupled with fierce infighting within the Pan-Green camp for the Green vote, suggests the Pan-Blue is likely to retain its two seats in the city. 3. (C) The KMT and PFP took a conservative nomination strategy in Hsinchu city, putting forward one candidate each, and so far KMT "maverick" Cheng Cheng-ling has not been able to siphon off enough votes to matter. DPP Hsinchu City Chairman Cheng Hong-hui said Ko Chun-hsiung, the KMT nominee, would be facing some pressure from the renegade Cheng, who has the backing of Chang Tsai-mei, the KMT's current legislator embittered with the party for not renominating her. Despite help from Chang, Cheng Cheng-ling remains very low in the polls and appears unable to unseat Ko who, as a former "patriotic" (aiguo) movie star, has enough support from military families and ethnic Hakka to get a seat, conceded the DPP's city Chairman. KMT Hsinchu City Chairman Chang I-hua also expressed high confidence that Ko Chun-hsiung will prevail. PFP Vice Chairwoman Chung Shu-ying said her party believes its candidate, the incumbent Lu Hsueh-chang, will get enough of the large Hakka and high-tech vote in the city to secure a seat. 4. (C) The DPP decided to play it safe in Hsinchu city to preserve the seat of its representative and head of the DPP caucus in the LY, Ker Chia-ming. According to Cheng Hong-hui, the DPP is optimistic of a victory, but also feels a sense of "minor crisis" as the Taiwan Solidary Union's (TSU) candidate Holmes Liao (Cheng-hsiang) is fourth in the polls and drawing votes away from Ker. Ker was the largest vote-getter in the city in 2001 and Cheng said some Greens may be self-initiating an uncoordinated "vote distribution" (peipiao) to the TSU candidate. The KMT's Chang I-hua said they are seeing Ker campaign especially hard this year, but also agreed he was likely to retain his seat. The Gloves are Off In Hsinchu County ------------------------------------ 5. (C) With a population of 460,000 and with two out of three LY seats held by the Pan-Blue camp, Hsinchu County is normally considered safe Blue territory. In the 2001 LY election the four major parties each nominated one candidate and the Pan-Blue won two seats while only the DPP candidate was elected from the Pan-Green. In the 2004 presidential election, the Lien-Soong ticket received 64 percent of the county vote versus 36 for the Chen-Lu ticket. However, this year the Pan-Blue may have over-extended by nominating three candidates, two of whom are newcomers, giving the DPP's two nominees a good chance of being elected. The TSU has no candidates running in the county this year. 6. (C) The DPP has decided to forsake the status quo in Hsinchu County and taken a very aggressive, even outright risky, nomination strategy to reverse the two-to-one Pan-Blue advantage. According to DPP Hsinchu County Chairman Chen Wen-hung, the DPP nominated one more candidate in the county than it did in 2001 when the DPP learned that current PFP legislator and former county magistrate Chen Chin-hsing was not running for reelection. The DPP is betting, said Chen, that with the PFP incumbent out of the race it could put forward a second candidate, Lin Wei-chou, who has a powerbase north of the Tou-chien river without threatening the support for its current incumbent, Chang Hsueh-shun, who has strong support south of the river. In the clan and regional interest-driven politics of Hsinchu county, the DPP's strategy has a good chance of working. Chen said Chang, a Hakka, is vying for the Hakka vote (Hakkas comprise 70 percent of the county's population) with the other Pan-Blue candidates, while Lin, as the only ethnic Taiwanese in the race, is capturing a large part of the ethnic Taiwanese vote. Chen admitted, nevertheless, there is a small chance both DPP candidates could spread the Green vote too thinly and lose, but said his party was willing to "take the risk." KMT: Forced to Respond ---------------------- 7. (C) The DPP's second nomination was "masterful," according Jiang Li-chung, special assistant to the KMT Hsinchu County magistrate, and prompted much consternation within the KMT party establishment north of the Tou-chien river. KMT caucus whip for Hsinchu county Yeh Tsang-tsung said that he and his party members in the north were willing to support the DPP's Lin Wei-chou, who is a fellow native of Chu-bei city, if the KMT did not put forward its own candidate in the north. With both the incumbent KMT candidate Chiu Ching-chun and PFP newcomer Chen Chi-hui coming from south of the river, the northerners believed the KMT was doing nothing to represent their local interests, said Yeh. As a result, a delegation of party members with interests north of the river went to KMT party headquarters and lobbied for one of their own, current Chu-bei city mayor Yeh Fang-hsiung, to be placed on the ballot. Yeh Fang-hsiung's nomination in the north places him in direct competition with the DPP's Lin Wei-chou, but is also drawing away northern Pan-Blue votes that could have gone to Chen Chi-hui, said the DPP's Chen Wen-hong. With KMT incumbent Chiu Ching-chun's strong lead in the polls, a well-coordinated vote distribution (peipiao) to suport Yeh could allow the Pan-Blue to hold its two-to-one seat advantage, but come at a the expense of the PFP. PFP: Left Holding the Bag ------------------------- 8. (C) The PFP appears to have precipitated the DPP's offensive and, in turn the Pan-Blue "crisis," in Hsinchu county when it decided to put forward a newcomer and local school principal Chen Chi-hui instead of running its veteran, popular legislator Chen Chin-hsing again. Chen Chin-hsing said he bowed out because of his advanced age (71 years old) and the need for the PFP to get some "new blood" in the LY. Chen Chi-hui's center of support resides in the south and competes with the KMT incumbent's power-base there, making it unlikely that the Pan-Blue will be able to overcome candidate resistance to vote distribution (peipiao) across party lines. The DPP's Chen Wen-hong said that the PFP candidate may be making some gains and in DPP internal party polls has moved into fourth position, but even if the KMT is able to effectively distribute votes it is more likely than not going to help it's own. As the election approaches, the PFP appears increasingly poised to lose yet another seat in a Blue stronghold. Comment: Can the Blues Hold Their Own? -------------------------------------- 9. (C) The race in the two traditionally Blue strongholds of Hsinchu will be another key test of whether the Pan-Blue coalition can hold on to its advantage in the face of a very aggressive DPP nomination strategy. Although conservative nominations by all parties in the city are likely to allow the Pan-Blue to lock in its two-to-one seat margin, dynamics in the county race has upped the ante for the Pan-Blues. The DPP's two nominations have disrupted the "status quo" and in effect placed the county election outcome in the KMT's hands. With the KMT's apparently poor ability to coordinate vote distribution (peipiao) between its candidates and across Pan-Blue party lines in other parts of the island, the KMT county establishment will need to prove itself the exception if it hopes to prevent a small DPP victory in a heavy Pan-Blue district. PAAL
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