US embassy cable - 04KINSHASA2118

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KINSHASA 002118 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/31/2014 
TAGS: PHUM, PGOV, PINS, MOPS, ECON, EMIN, CG 
SUBJECT: POSSIBLE MASSACRE AT KILWA 
 
REF: A. KINSHASA 1931 
     B. KINSHASA 1965 
 
Classified By: Poloff Edward Bestic for Reasons 1.5 B and D 
 
1. (C) SUMMARY:  According to sources in Katanga province, 
the October 2004 "insurgency" at Kilwa on the Congo-Zambia 
border was more likely a tragic farce than a real attack, and 
government troops may have massacred dozens of civilians when 
they recaptured the town.  Explanations for the incident 
vary, ranging from local resentment against a nearby mine to 
a conflict between Katangans within the Presidency.  The 
allegations of a massacre of civilians by government troops 
are believable, and--given the high-level Kinshasa interest 
in Dikulushi mine--we can expect GDRC authorities to obstruct 
any investigation.  END SUMMARY. 
 
2. (U) Poloff visited Lubumbashi and Kalemie in DRC's Katanga 
province from Nov. 7-13 and met with local civil and military 
officials, diplomats, U.N. and international NGO workers, and 
members of civil society.  The following--a dissection of the 
recent "attack" on the town of Kilwa--is the first in a 
series of short cables on the trip. 
 
 
Kilwa - the Basic Facts 
----------------------- 
3. (U) In mid-October, a small group of armed men seized the 
town of Kilwa near the Congo-Zambia border, which is about 
50km from Dikulushi, a copper and silver mine run by 
Australian company Anvil Mining Limited.  (Comment:  One of 
the mine's shareholders is Augustin Katumba Mwanke, former 
governor of Katanga province and a top adviser to President 
Kabila.  End Comment.)  Government troops--who had vacated 
Kilwa only the day before--responded quickly, and within two 
days had captured the insurgent leader and reasserted control 
over the town.  Military authorities in Lubumbashi later 
arrested prominent local politician Christian Mwando Simba in 
connection with the events, releasing him after approximately 
two weeks' detention.  (Note: Mwando's father, Charles Mwando 
Simba, is chairman of the political committee in the National 
Assembly.  End Note.) 
 
4. (C) Gen. Dieugentil Alengbia Nzambe, commander of the 6th 
Military Region, told poloff the Kilwa incident was "not 
serious."  The "insurgents" attacked only after the regular 
contingent of troops had withdrawn, and got most of their 
weapons from local armories.  Alengbia refused to speculate 
on who or what was behind the attack, but he said that 
contrary to media reports, there were no Portugese-speakers 
among the rebels. 
 
 
Massacre at Kilwa? 
------------------ 
5. (C) One expatriate NGO source who visited Kilwa after the 
incident said locals told him the rebels numbered no more 
than thirty or forty and had no problems with the local 
populace.  Several hundred government troops captured the 
town almost without a fight, then apparently went after 
civilian collaborators.  The source said that locals resent 
the mine because it employs no Congolese and has done nothing 
for them, but added that Anvil is currently looking to 
partner up with one or more international NGOs to implement 
local development projects. 
 
6. (C) In the opinion of a MONUC official who also traveled 
to Kilwa to investigate the incident, the whole thing was a 
sham.  The locals, mainly of the Bemba tribe, were indeed 
angry at Anvil.  There were only about five or six armed 
rebels, led by a 24-year old (who conveniently died of his 
wounds before authorities could question him).  These rebels 
quickly recruited local youths to their cause, did no damage 
to the town, and expected government troops to support them. 
They were completely surprised when troops of Pweto garrison 
commander Col. Ademar (phonetic)--reportedly an ally of Air 
Force commander Gen. John Numbi and Mai-Mai leader 
Gedeon--counterattacked instead.  Local inhabitants fled when 
the army arrived, and soldiers then began to "settle scores" 
and loot the town.  The MONUC official said locals also 
pointed out a mass grave that they claimed contained perhaps 
twenty to thirty bodies.  (Comment:  To date, no one in the 
GDRC or MONUC has commented publicly on the possibility of a 
massacre at Kilwa.  End Comment.) 
 
 
Mixed Reactions Among Diplomats 
------------------------------- 
7. (C) Lubumbashi-based diplomats were mixed in their 
assessments.  A South African diplomat expressed appreciation 
that the government's reaction to Dikulushi was strong and 
swift, even if it was heavy-handed, because such incidents 
were likely to occur more frequently in the run-up to 
elections.  A Belgian diplomat agreed it was likely a 
massacre took place in Kilwa, and asked rhetorically how long 
the international community could tolerate such misrule in 
the Congo.  The diplomat speculated that the Kilwa incident 
stemmed from a conflict in President Kabila's inner circle, 
between members of the Luba Katanga tribe (such as Air Force 
commander John Numbi) and those from other Katangan tribes 
(like Katumba Mwanke), and said it was likely President 
Kabila knows nothing of the massacre or the extent of the 
internal conflict.  (Note: The Luba Katanga are the dominant 
tribe in the province.  They were the backbone of a massive 
ethnic-cleansing campaign in Katanga in the early 1990s.  End 
Note.) 
 
COMMENT 
------- 
8. (C) In the DRC, skirmishes over mines are not unheard of, 
but they more typically take place in the Kivus and Orientale 
Province, not Katanga.  It is clear that this particular 
"attack" was too weak to succeed on its own, and that the 
rebels were merely pawns in a larger game.  The allegations 
of a massacre of civilians by government troops are entirely 
believable, and--given the high-level Kinshasa interest in 
Dikulushi mine--we can expect GDRC authorities to obstruct 
any investigation.  We will continue to raise Kilwa with 
presidential advisors, if only to give notice that we suspect 
the possibility of foul play. END COMMENT. 
MEECE