US embassy cable - 04ABUJA1307

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ABUJA 001307 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/28/2014 
TAGS: PHUM, PGOV, PREL, ASEC, NI 
SUBJECT: UNDERLYING THE PLATEAU CONFLICT:  WE'RE INDIGENES, 
BUT YOU'RE SETTLERS 
 
REF: A. ABUJA 1277 
     B. ABUJA 1278 
     C. ABUJA 1279 
     D. 2002 ABUJA 1397 
 
Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOHN CAMPBELL FOR REASONS 1.5 (B) AND (D). 
 
1.  (C) Summary.  The communal crises in Nigeria, and 
particularly those in Plateau State, are much more 
complicated that mere ethno-religious violence:  they can be 
traced to power struggles between "indigenes" (mostly 
Christian in Plateau State) and "settlers" (mostly Muslim 
Hausa/Fulani).  Until the indigene-settler issue is resolved, 
tension is likely to remain high in Plateau State and 
throughout the country.  This is the fourth of four Plateau 
State cables.  End Summary. 
 
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Fanning the Flames:  the Indigene-Settler Struggle 
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2.  (U) Far from being strictly religious or ethnic as 
reported by some international media, communal crises 
throughout Nigeria are much more complex and problematic. 
The communal crisis in Plateau can be traced to a fierce 
power struggle between "indigenes" and "settlers."  In the 
Nigerian context, an indigene is defined as anyone whose 
ancestors lived in the area.  Settlers, as the name implies, 
are the late-comers.  There is no firm agreement on the 
starting date for determining which is which, leading to much 
confusion.  In Plateau State, ancient history indicates that 
all groups are settlers.  Several hundred years ago, some 
groups began moving in, but the process was an ongoing one 
and continues today.  While most claim that the Hausa/Fulani 
are "recent" arrivals, they have been present in Plateau 
State for at least 200 years and probably longer. 
 
3.  (U)  The most recent conflict started in Jos in 2001 over 
the appointment of a "settler" by the GON to serve as the 
State coordinator for the government-funded poverty 
eradication program.  Although the "indigenes" vehemently 
opposed the appointment, the Presidency refused to bow to 
their pressure, insisting that every Nigerian born and raised 
in any part of Nigeria can serve in any position.  About 2000 
people died during the resulting riots on September 7, 2001. 
The conflict later engulfed Wase, Lantang, Kanam, Shendam and 
Yelwa-Shendam. 
 
4.  (SBU) Until the Nigerian leaders properly address this 
issue, it will continue to constitute a spanner in the works 
of unity among Nigerians.  It polarizes people and evokes 
deep emotions among different ethnic groups that have lived 
peacefully for many decades.  Politicians exploit these 
divisions to advance their short term or selfish goals or 
maintain their hold on power.  During elections, every group 
perfects its strategies to outwit the other, employing ethnic 
and religious cards to ensure victory.  In the current 
political environment, this trend will likely continue, and 
perhaps worsen, without serious intervention by government at 
all levels, supported by the major ethnic interest groups 
such as the Arewa Consultative Forum, Ohaneze, and Afenifere. 
 
 
5.  (U) Some efforts are being made, but they are isolated 
and ineffective.  In late June, Vice President Atiku 
Abubakar, while receiving a delegation from the Igbo Business 
Community residing in Lagos, described the contentious issue 
of "indigeneship/settlership" as unconstitutional, dangerous 
and divisive to the unity of Nigeria.  "There are two words 
not in our law books or constitution and these words are 
settlers and indigenes.  This government, therefore, is not 
prepared to promote that dichotomy in the country.  We will 
employ all constitutional means to make sure every Nigerian 
feels secure at any place he decides to reside.  That is what 
makes a country great and developed," Atiku stated while 
thanking the Igbo for contributing to the unity and economic 
development of Nigeria. 
 
6.  (C) President Obasanjo himself has repeatedly maintained 
that the constitution recognizes only Nigerian citizenship. 
However, both "settlers" and "indigenes" have blamed the 
constitution for recognizing both "citizenship" and 
"indigeneship" in the appointment of sensitive positions. 
For instance, Hausa/Fulani complained in Jos that certain 
government jobs required citizens to produce a certificate of 
origin from the local government (LG).  "Whenever our people 
go to the office of the LG Chairman, he would deny them the 
certificate on the pretext that there is no indigenous 
Hausa/Fulani community in Jos," Yaya Abubakar, a retired 
Muslim community leader averred.  Others, such as the Emir of 
Dutse, have been vocal in asserting that any member of the 
community with only 3-5 years residence should be considered 
as "indigenes." 
 
7.  (U) NOTE:  There are only two references to indigeneship 
in the 1999 Constitution. One is in section 147(3):  "...the 
President shall appoint at least one Minister from each 
State, who shall be an indigene of such State."  The other is 
in section 318(1), defining terms:  "'belong to' or its 
grammatical expression when used with reference to a person 
in a state refers to a person either or whose parents or any 
of whose grand parents was a member of a community indigenous 
to that state."  End NOTE. 
 
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Popular Definition of Indigenes and Settlers 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
8.  (SBU) In Plateau State, the term "indigenes" is normally 
used to describe the non-Hausa/Fulani ethnic groups found 
scattered all over the State.  They are predominantly 
Christians and animists, and on the basis of their 
indigeneship, they lay claims to all land, political power, 
and traditional authority.  Often the "indigenes" consider 
Hausa/Fulani to be "settlers" whose ancestry had its roots 
not in Plateau but in other parts of the North like Kano and 
Sokoto. 
 
9.  (SBU) The term "settlers" is generally used for 
Hausa/Fulani, mostly found in urban centers.  There are two 
types of Fulani:  settled and nomadic.  The settled Fulani 
are found in towns and cities living together with Hausa, who 
are mostly traders and artisans, while the nomadic Fulani are 
mobile, found in rural and remote villages guiding their 
flocks of cattle in search of greener pastures.  Although 
Hausa and Fulani are separate and distinct ethnic groups, 
speaking languages as different as English and French, the 
two are lumped together by most observers because they share 
similar cultural and religious affinities. 
 
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Herein Lies the Rub 
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10.  (C) The Hausa/Fulani own property and control commercial 
activities of Jos, Wase, Yelwa-Shendam and a host of other 
Plateau State towns.  Their numerical strength, coupled with 
their economic power, has set them on a collision course with 
their indigenous neighbors over political leadership.  As 
former Nigerian Ambassador to Switzerland Yahaya Kwande 
observed, "Their level of comfort in the society has drawn a 
lot of jealousy from the indigenous tribes."  Kwande 
explained that western education provided by Christian 
missionaries in the mid-20th century had liberated the 
indigenous community, hitherto regarded as primitive and 
uncivilized:  most of them had practiced nudity and eked out 
a living by subsistence farming, or working as household help 
to the Hausa/Fulani community.  He suggested that elites from 
the indigenous tribes now use that historical relationship to 
blame the "settlers" for every problem the indigenous 
community faces. 
 
11.  (C) Historically, the Hausa/Fulani "settlers" have lived 
in Plateau State for over 100 years.  They claimed that their 
grandfathers actually founded and developed these areas, 
arguing further that when their ancestors settled in these 
areas, the place was a virgin land and the so-called 
"indigenes" lived outside these areas.  The "settlers" said 
that Jos was initially a territory under the control of Emir 
of Bauchi, a neighboring Fulani Emir and flag bearer of 
Sokoto Caliphate.  According to Alhaji Saleh Hassan, 
spokesman for the Hausa/Fulani community and former National 
Chairman of the defunct Democratic Party of Nigeria (DBN), 
all the previous traditional rulers of Jos were Hausa/Fulani 
bearing the title of "Sarkin Jos" (Emir of Jos) until 1947, 
when the colonial authorities appointed "Gbong Gwom of Birom" 
(Chief of Birom) before eventually changing it to "Gbong Gwom 
of Jos."  The change in title, explained Hassan, demonstrated 
that current claims by "indigenes" were built on a flimsy 
foundation:  an arbitrary political decision made during 
colonial times. 
 
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Comment 
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12.  (C) Although media reports typically characterize 
communal violence with words like "political," "ethnic," 
"economic," or "religious," the reality is that the complex 
indigene-settler issue is the foundation of the problems in 
Plateau State.  Casual observers may find it easier to apply 
familiar labels to the violence, but in order to understand 
the depth of the conflict, it is crucial to try to fathom the 
murky depths of the indigene-settler problem.  Solving the 
problem will take continued efforts to revive Nigeria's 
adherence to the rule-of-law and regularize property rights 
and access to social services. 
CAMPBELL