US embassy cable - 04AMMAN5109

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 AMMAN 005109 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/23/2014 
TAGS: PGOV, PREL, KISL, KPAL, IS, JO 
SUBJECT: JORDANIAN-PALESTINIANS ON EDGE AS CONFLICT ROILS 
ACROSS THE RIVER 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Edward W. Gnehm for reasons 1.5 (b)(d) 
 
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SUMMARY 
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1.  (C)  The festering Palestinian-Israeli conflict has 
rekindled sensitivity among some Jordanians of Palestinian 
origin about their position in Jordanian society, 
highlighting their strained relationship with the dominant 
(but minority) East Bank Jordanian community.  It also has 
given rise recently to public discourse over loyalty and 
Jordanian national identity.  Contacts say that 
discrimination is epitomized by the current iteration of the 
election law which favors heavily tribal areas, but they also 
point to the inability of Palestinians to serve in certain 
high-level government jobs, the military, and intelligence 
apparatus as proof of institutionalized discrimination. 
Partly in response, the Prime Minister has initiated 
unprecedented dialogue with the Palestinian community to 
address their concerns, but many interlocutors believe that 
his hands are tied by entrenched East Bank interests 
(particularly in the security apparatus), making real change 
impossible without royal intervention.  Palestinians' fear of 
retribution will continue to restrain Palestinian activism, 
leaving an opening for Islamists to assume the Palestinian 
mantle in Jordan.  Activists worry that the GOJ's inaction on 
this issue also stymies reform efforts in Jordan.  End 
Summary. 
 
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EAST-WEST BANK DIVIDE BUBBLES TO THE SURFACE 
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2.  (C)  The stalled peace process and poor humanitarian 
situation in the West Bank and Gaza have pushed to the 
surface long-standing but latent sensitivity among many 
Jordanians of Palestinian origin about their position in 
society vis-a-vis Jordan's minority but dominant, 
tribal-based East Bank community.  It also has recently 
generated a top-down debate about "loyalty" and "national 
identity."  At the core is Jordanians' fear that the Israeli 
security barrier and harsh measures against Palestinians will 
encourage yet another mass migration (or "transfer") of 
Palestinians to Jordan, further stressing the country's 
meager resources and creating instability (by tilting the 
population balance further toward Palestinians).  Many East 
Bankers openly acknowledge that discrimination against 
Palestinians exists, but justify it as a necessary evil given 
the political situation and related security concerns. 
Prominent East Banker Suleiman Arabiyat asserted recently to 
PolOffs that the "time is not right" for 
Jordanian-Palestinians to serve in sensitive government 
posts, saying that their loyalty will always be in question 
until a Palestinian state is created and they can decide 
whether to stay in Jordan or return to Palestine.  Many 
Jordanian-Palestinians, most of whom have always lived under 
Jordanian rule and enjoy complete Jordanian citizenship, say 
this attitude is just an excuse for East Bankers intent on 
preserving their privileged status. 
 
3.  (C)  Anecdotes highlight the charged nature of the issue. 
 In April, the Interior Minister publicly charged that 
rioters in Wihdat refugee camp burned a Jordanian flag while 
protesting Israel's assassination of Sheikh Yassin, a charge 
many dispute.  Contacts confided to PolOff their belief that 
"entrenched" interests circulated the story to show the 
"disloyalty" and "ingratitude" of Palestinian refugees, 
highlighting that no one seems able to prove a flag was 
actually burned.  Separately, Oreib al-Rintawi, a well-known 
Jordanian-Palestinian journalist and director of al-Quds 
Center for Political Research, says he was verbally attacked 
during a lecture in Irbid when he commented that Jordanian 
civil society would benefit from acknowledging the diversity 
found in its "collective identity."  He told PolOff that the 
term prompted an East Banker in the audience to accuse him of 
perpetuating "subversive" and "dangerous" ideas.  Since that 
time he has been dealing with the fallout of the incident, 
and fears now that he has been "labeled" a troublemaker, even 
though his only intention to was start much-needed dialogue 
about issues that are often swept under the rug. 
 
4.  (C)  The strain has even filtered into seemingly 
unrelated matters. During a meeting between the Prime 
Minister and women activists at odds over their perception 
that GOJ spokesperson (and womens' activist) Asma Khader was 
using her government position to their disadvantage, Khader 
accused the women -- all East Bankers -- of "ganging up" on 
her because she is Palestinian.  The PM dismissed the charge 
in front of the group and insisted the women work harder to 
resolve their differences, according to one of the attendees. 
 
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ELECTION LAW CENTRAL TO DISCRIMINATION COMPLAINTS 
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5.  (C)  Prominent Jordanian-Palestinians say that the GOJ's 
discrimination against the Palestinian majority manifests in 
many ways, but most point to the current election law as 
central.  Former royal court adviser Adnan Abu Odeh says the 
law gives disproportionate representation to the heavily East 
Bank tribal areas of southern Jordan at the expense of urban 
areas with heavy Palestinian populations, and says it is the 
main reason that East Bankers won overwhelmingly in the June 
2003 Lower House elections.  (Note:  Seventeen out of 110 
members of parliament elected are of Palestinian origin.) 
Many contacts of Palestinian descent doubt that the GOJ will 
give Palestinians representation in Parliament proportional 
to their percentage of the population, even if it makes good 
on its promise to revise the law in time for the next 
parliamentary election in 2007. 
 
6.  (C)  The dearth of Jordanian-Palestinians in appointed 
positions also reinforces their sense of exclusion in GOJ 
decisionmaking.  For example, King Abdullah appointed seven 
Jordanian-Palestinians to his 21-member cabinet.  Just seven 
West Bankers of 55 members sit in the upper house of 
Parliament, and only a handful of judges and no governors 
claim Palestinian roots.  During a recent meeting with 
Minister of Information and Communications Technology and 
Minister of Administrative Development Fawwaz Zu'bi (East 
Banker), the Ambassador complimented his choice of Hala 
Lattouf as Secretary General of the Ministry of 
Administrative Development.  Zu'bi replied: "Yes, she's a 
great choice, but I have be careful now.  She is the third 
person of Palestinian background that I have appointed! 
People notice such things." 
 
7.  (C)  Some interlocutors say the security apparatus is the 
main enforcer of this discrimination policy, particularly 
when it comes to excluding Palestinians from key government 
posts.  Many believe that GID chief Sa'ad Khair heavily 
influences the King's cabinet and upper house appointments. 
They acknowledge that history contributes to the heavy GID 
hand (dating back to Black September in 1970 when Palestinian 
fighters openly battled the GOJ for control of Amman), but 
add that in some cases, it goes too far.  For example, former 
Sen. Marwan Dudin (Palestinian) alleges that the GID 
intervenes in the appointment of university officials and 
even hospital administrators.  He said that only orders from 
the King -- and patience so that changes can take root 
gradually -- will adequately challenge the status quo. 
 
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UNPRECEDENTED GOJ OUTREACH TO PALESTINIANS 
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8.  (C)  The friction has not been lost on Prime Minister 
Faisal al-Fayez, who in recent months has initiated 
unprecedented dialogue with the Palestinian community about 
their grievances.  While his focus during recent refugee camp 
visits has affirmed Jordan's commitment to Palestinians' 
"right to return," a three-hour meeting with 
Palestinian-affiliated societies in Jordan on May 3 centered 
on their complaints about discrimination.  Director General 
of the Department of Palestinian Affairs Abdulkarim 
Abulhaijja, the organizer of the gathering, said he went to 
great lengths before the meeting to convince people they 
would not face repercussions for speaking their mind.  While 
Abulhaijja termed the frank discussion "very successful," he 
added that the Prime Minister's follow-up is key.  He told 
PolOffs that he will "wait and see" whether the PM actually 
makes good on his promise for further meetings as promised, 
confiding that he is not confident that al-Fayez, despite his 
good intentions, is empowered to implement real changes. 
While he appears receptive to the Palestinians' complaints of 
discrimination, entrenched interests are "whispering in his 
other ear" about the dangers of allowing Palestinians greater 
participation in Jordanian political life, according to 
Abulhaijja. 
 
9.  (C)  Palestinians themselves, however, are divided about 
the issue.  Former PM Taher al-Masri (Palestinian) told 
PolOff he refused to attend the PM's meeting because as a 
"Jordanian" he resented being singled out for his Palestinian 
identity (Note: PolOff gathered from his tone that more 
importantly, he resented being included with a group of 
society heads, which he deemed "beneath" his stature as a 
former Prime Minister.)  He said such gatherings served to 
divide, not unite the country, and he said he intended to 
convey the message to the Prime Minister.  Dudin expressed a 
similar view, adding his criticism of Abu Odeh for attending 
the meeting.  (Note: Al-Masri is only one of four 
Jordanian-Palestinians who served as PM in Jordan since 1970. 
 His tenure in 1991 lasted the longest (152 days); 
Palestinian-origin PMs have served a total of just 251 days 
in the last 34 years.) 
 
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FEAR OF RETRIBUTION LEAVES OPENING TO IAF, STYMIES REFORM 
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10.  (C)  Our contacts say that fear of retribution continues 
to limit dialogue on such sensitive issues and political 
activism.  Rintawi's says his face-off with the irate East 
Banker is precisely the reason the Palestinian community 
remains so fractured.  Would-be Palestinian activists have 
shunned the limelight, he says, fearing that raising such 
sensitive issues in public will earn them the label 
"disloyal."  The fear of retribution hit home recently when a 
group of Palestinian luminaries sought Embassy intervention 
with the Jordanian government to pressure the GOJ to reverse 
a travel policy that could have meant the inadvertent 
revocation of Jordanian citizenship to thousands of 
Jordanian-Palestinians.  The issue ultimately resolved 
itself, but at the time, the group pleaded for discretion 
with PolOff, fearing "severe repercussions" if the GOJ 
learned they had mentioned their concerns to an Embassy 
officer.  Separately, former MP Mohammad al-Kouz 
(Palestinian) informed PolOff that shortly before her arrival 
for a luncheon with Wihdat camp leaders in May, al-Kouz 
received a call from the Mukhabarat inquiring about the 
purpose of the gathering and asking for the names of the 
participants. 
 
11.  (C)  Rintawi says fear of being targeted has left 
secular Palestinian activists rudderless, and has enabled the 
Islamic Action Front to fill the void and emerge as the 
primary advocate for the Palestinian cause.  (Note: Of the 17 
MPs of Palestinian origin, eight are IAF members.  The one 
female Palestinian MP is also an IAF member.)  He suspects 
that the GOJ's fear of increasing the Palestinian voice (and 
by extension that of the IAF) is one reason the government is 
dragging its feet on reforming the election law.  He frets, 
however, that marginalization of more than half of the 
population will negatively impact political development and 
the growth of civil society in Jordan.  Former Senator Husni 
Ayesh (Palestinian) agrees, and says the government risks 
alienating a significant portion of the community, especially 
youth, which could have negative security implications down 
the road if young Palestinians grow up feeling as outcasts 
with limited opportunities in Jordan.  Adviser to the Prime 
Minister on Human Rights Nancy Bakir (East Banker) notes that 
the various segments of the Palestinian population have 
different needs and concerns, but worries that the refugee 
camps are "boiling."  The longer the Palestinian-Israeli 
crisis festers, the more pronounced the East-West Bank 
tensions inside Jordan will become, she says. 
 
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COMMENT 
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12.  (C)  East Bankers tend to dismiss Palestinian complaints 
about discrimination as "ingratitude" for years of Jordanian 
support to Palestinian refugees.  While Jordan has absorbed 
more Palestinian refugees than any other Arab country and has 
provided them the most extensive support (including full 
citizenship to most) since 1948, their sense of inequity has 
been magnified by the lack of movement towards a final 
solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.  Updating the 
election law and being included as full partners in the 
political system are key concerns of Palestinians in Jordan 
(and also a mantra for reform and civil society activists 
here), but it will remain a political hot potato in the 
absence of substantial movement on the peace process. 
 
Visit Embassy Amman's classified web site at 
http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/nea/amman or access the site 
through the State Department's SIPRNET home page. 
GNEHM