US embassy cable - 04RANGOON238

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 RANGOON 000238 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED 
 
FOR EAP/PD (KOVACH), EAP/BCLTV (GLAZEROFF), ECA/A/E/EAP 
(HANLON), DRL/PHD (GERAN) 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PHUM, PGOV, KISL, KPAO, BM, Human Rights 
SUBJECT: AMERICAN CENTER SPEAKER PROMOTES DIALOGUE ON 
NATIONAL RECONCILIATION 
 
 
1. (SBU) Summary:  Embassy Rangoon's Public Affairs Section 
hosted Fulbright Scholar Jeffrey Kamakahi for programs on 
diversity, inequality, and social change with Burma's many 
ethnic, racial, and religious groups.  Though the target 
audiences greatly appreciated his visit, they also expressed 
their continued distrust of the ruling SPDC (particularly 
with regard to the seven point "road map to democracy") and 
the Burman/Buddhist majority.  Despite common calls for NLD- 
SPDC-ethnic group dialogue and demands for federalism, the 
ethnic groups' internal divisions prevent a unified approach 
to the SPDC.  The Muslim community, marginalized and 
oppressed by the SPDC and having no natural minority ethnic 
affiliation, feels particularly powerless.  End Summary. 
 
Diversity and the Need to Look to the Future 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
2.  (U) From February 8-14, Professor Jeffrey Kamakahi, a 
professor of sociology from St. John's University in 
Minnesota, and current Fulbright Scholar at Sendai 
University in Japan, visited Burma (with Regional Fulbright 
funding support) to give presentations on diversity, 
inequality, and social change to a variety of ethnic, 
racial, and religious groups.  As a reflection of the value 
Americans place in a diverse society, the program's 
objective was to help our target audiences view diversity 
positively and find mechanisms to constructively address 
inequality. 
 
3.  (U) The programs were directed at both cross-ethnic 
political groups, such as the United Nationalities Alliance 
(UNA) and the Ethnic Nationality Mediators' Fellowship 
(ENMF), and mono-ethnic organizations, such as the Karen 
Development Committee (KDC) and the Shan Language and 
Literacy Association.  In addition, the Professor met with 
religious-based groups and individuals, such as the faculty 
and students of the Myanmar Institute of Theology, the 
recently retired Catholic archbishop of Rangoon, an 
interfaith group organized by the Mandalay YMCA, and Muslim 
Community religious and social leaders, as well as a student 
group from a prominent Islamic Center. 
 
4.  (U) In his presentations, Professor Kamakahi stressed 
the importance of looking to the future to establish a sense 
of "identity" as a basis for increasing solidarity within a 
society, rather than clinging solely to traditional ideas of 
race and ethnicity that often divide communities.  He 
contended that ethnic and religious majorities are not as 
monolithic as they seem and can often find common cause with 
minority groups.  He also emphasized, however, that the 
majority often gets its way and that those with power try to 
keep it. 
 
"Second-class Citizens" Mistrust Government But Lack Unity 
--------------------------------------------- ------------- 
 
5.  (SBU) All the groups with whom Professor Kamakahi met 
are attempting to address ethnic/religious identity issues 
both in the general sense of coexisting equitably and 
peacefully with a Burman-Buddhist majority, and in the 
specific sense of determining how to defend their 
ethnic/religious interests in the context of the SPDC's 
seven-point road map to democracy.  The road map includes 
convening a national constitutional convention and holding a 
referendum on the new constitution to be followed by 
parliamentary elections to form a new government.  The SPDC 
has been conducting bilateral negotiations with a number of 
ethnic groups to participate in the constitutional 
convention.  In that context, all groups expressed gratitude 
to Professor Kamakahi for provoking discussion and providing 
intellectual tools to address diversity issues. 
 
6.  (SBU) Professor Kamakahi's program also revealed a 
unanimity among groups that ethnic and religious minorities 
are treated as "second class citizens" even in the areas in 
which they constitute a majority and that the SPDC (with its 
policies of "divide and rule" and "Burmanization") could not 
be trusted.  Most also called for a "tripartite" dialogue 
among the SPDC, NLD, and the ethnic groups. 
 
7.  (SBU) In many instances, the mistrust of the SPDC 
extended to the Burman/Buddhist majority as well.  A UNA 
participant explained: "I hate Burman authority, not Burman 
people," though he added that the SPDC was a "master race" 
government.  A Shan interlocutor commented that while he had 
no problem trusting other ethnic groups, he could not trust 
ethnic Burmans.  Similar sentiment was expressed in meetings 
with other ethnic and religious groups.  In fact, none of 
the ethnic groups have built significant alliances with the 
members of the Burman-Buddhist majority.  (Ironically, in 
Mandalay, ethnic Burman Buddhists who expressed sympathy for 
the plight of non-Buddhists, had nothing but mistrust for 
the burgeoning Chinese community there.) 
 
8.  (SBU) Ethnic groups' common consensus disintegrates over 
a number of issues, including what actions should be taken 
in light of the SPDC road map.  As much as the ENMF (which 
is working with ethnic cease-fire groups) supports the 
national constitutional convention envisioned by the SPDC 
(under certain conditions), the UNA opposes it, and both 
believe they represent the best interests of their own 
ethnic groups.  Perhaps revealing his own ideas on 
diversity, one UNA representative likened an SPDC invitation 
to the constitutional convention to "inviting a Muslim to 
eat pork."  The ENMF's more positive posture towards the 
road map has drawn criticism for its leader, Reverend Saboi 
Jum.  Retired Catholic Bishop Gabriel, himself a Karen, 
accused Saboi Jum of being an opportunist, personally 
profiting financially from cease-fire negotiations. 
 
9.  (SBU) Another factor contributing to ethnic disunity was 
the perception of each group's importance vis--vis the 
other groups.  For example, because of the KNU's support of 
Burmese exile groups on the Thai border and the Karen 
minority's wide geographic distribution within Burma, the 
Karen community believes it is a leader among ethnic groups. 
Commenting about participation in the national convention, a 
Karen business leader said: "If we go in, the rest (of the 
ethnic groups) will follow."  Similarly, the Shan community 
still feels an acute historical grievance: they believe that 
the Union of Burma only exists because of the Shan 
nationality's agreement to join in 1948. 
 
 
Muslims Feel Powerless and Unrepresented 
----------------------------------------- 
 
10.  (SBU) Having emphasized their Burman identity in the 
past, the Muslim community feels particularly helpless in 
the face of SPDC oppression.  For example, SPDC authorities 
insist on identifying Muslims as "mixed race," a negative 
attribute in the SPDC's "pure Burman" race construct. 
Muslim leaders have supported the NLD in the past, but they 
do not feel the NLD's support in return.  And because they 
have no natural ethnic affiliation (as some of the Christian 
denominations do), Muslim interests are not even voiced (let 
alone represented) in the current political environment. 
The Muslims reserved particular disappointment for the 
Indian, Malaysian, and Indonesian governments for their 
indifference to the plight of Burmese Muslims. 
 
11.  (SBU) In that context, the Muslim leaders appreciated 
Professor Kamakahi's message of seeking commonality with 
other groups in order to forge a future-oriented identity. 
Commenting on the Professor's lecture to a student group 
from a prominent local Islamic Center (the first such 
Embassy event with this group), a Muslim leader said: 
"You've said the right thing." 
 
12.  (SBU) Comment:  Professor Kamakahi commented that most 
of the groups seemed to be at the "pluralism" phase of 
diversity, with each group defining itself by its past and 
negotiating with other groups for its own parochial 
interests.  However, given the enthusiasm that greeted this 
program, perhaps ethnic and religious groups will begin to 
explore points of commonality among groups in Burmese 
society (including the Burman/Buddhist majority) that will 
help address constructively their historical grievances and 
current political aspirations. End comment.  MARTINEZ