Disclaimer: This site has been first put up 15 years ago. Since then I would probably do a couple things differently, but because I've noticed this site had been linked from news outlets, PhD theses and peer rewieved papers and because I really hate the concept of "digital dark age" I've decided to put it back up. There's no chance it can produce any harm now.
| Identifier: | 04CARACAS295 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 04CARACAS295 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Caracas |
| Created: | 2004-01-27 20:25:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PREL PGOV VE OAS |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L CARACAS 000295 SIPDIS STATE PASS USAID FOR DCHA/OTI NSC FOR CHRIS BARTON USCINCSO FOR POLAD E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/27/2014 TAGS: PREL, PGOV, VE, OAS SUBJECT: DAS DESHAZO'S MEETING WITH G-5 OPPOSTION LEADERS Classified By: Ambassador Charles S. Shapiro for reasons 1.4(b) and (d) ------- Summary ------- 1. (C) On January 22, WHA DAS Peter DeShazo gave opposition leaders (4 of 5 of the members of the so-called G-5) a positive assessment of his meetings earlier in the day with officials from the OAS, Carter Center, and UNDP, and of their ability to monitor the signature verification process in the CNE. GOV officials, he said, had expressed their commitment to respect the decisions of the CNE. He stressed the international attention focused on Venezuela, and his belief that the CNE would act as a fair arbiter of the referendum process. The leaders of the G-5 all stressed their lack of confidence in the Government, and their fear that the CNE was subject to pressures and might favor the government by either openly disallowing the signatures, or delaying a recall until after August, when the Vice President would serve out the President's term. End Summary. 2. (U) The Ambassador hosted a dinner for DAS DeShazo with Julio Borges (Primero Justicia), Juan Fernandez (Gente de Petroleo), Henry Ramos Allup (Accion Democratica) and Enrique Salas Romer (Proyecto Venezuela) represented the G-5. Enrique Mendoza (COPEI) had accepted but did not attend. Also present were the Political Counselor, the Public Affairs Officer, and EmbOff (notetaker). ------------------------------------ AD Concerned About National Assembly ------------------------------------ 3. (C) Henry Ramos Allup spoke first of the opposition's deep concern about the functioning of the National Assembly and the push for rules changes. He feared that the changes would be used to approve a far-reaching package of legislation, such as the reform of the Supreme Court, over the objections of the opposition. The TSJ law, Ramos said, is the most important threat to the opposition, since it would give the government almost complete control over the interpretation of the Constitution, and the governing body of the judiciary. Ramos stressed changes in Accion Democratica, from opening up its usually closed internal governing meetings to the press, and instituting a far reaching policy of alliances. He proposed that polls should be taken prior to the electoral campaigns for governorships, and all parties agree to back the candidate with the best chance to win. Enrique Salas Romer pointed out that this eliminated the campaign's ability to develop new candidates. Ramos stressed the need for the opposition to remain united even after the referendum, to win elections. 4. (C) Ramos and Salas played down various polls including one showing up to 60 percent support for President Chavez in a recall referendum. Salas attributed President Chavez' tendency rise in the polls at Christmas to lavish spending, and seasonal optimism. He predicted it would then fall sharply afterwards. Both expressed confidence that Chavez would lose the referendum. --- CNE --- 5. (C) DeShazo told the leaders he was pleased to see the technical competency of the OAS observation team working at the CNE, and their own confidence in their ability to closely monitor the verification of the signatures collected for the referendum drives. He stressed the importance of the OAS in the process, and his optimism that they would guarantee the fairness of the process. He stressed the interest in Washington, among both business and government leaders, in the resolution of the political crisis in Venezuela, and that the message he and the USG have conveyed to the GOV is that the democratic process represented by a transparent and fair referendum campaign must be respected. VP Jose Vicente Rangel and FM Roy Chaderton had given him assurances that the government would respect the decision of the CNE. He also mentioned TSJ Chief Justice Ivan Rincon's optimism and confidence in his institution's ability to fulfill its role in the process. 6. (C) The four opposition leaders stressed their lack of confidence in the GOV, and their fear that it was pressuring the CNE. The delays in the verification of the signatures were cited as evidence that the CNE is not acting in good faith. Borges pointed out that not one signature had yet been verified, and that the stated goal of finishing in 22 days was impossible. All the leaders acknowledged 70 percent public trust in CNE, but they did not share it. When asked by the Ambassador what they wanted to achieve from President Carter's visit, they all stressed "fair play." 7. (C) Ramos related VP Rangel's assertion that the opposition had not gathered more than 1 million signatures with the exhortation immediately afterwards that everyone had to accept the CNE's decision. He found this a clear sign of government pressure on the CNE, or even a sign of a deal. Ramos charged that the collection of signatures had not been fair, being stacked against the opposition with rule changes and military pressure. Ramos talked of his fear that the CNE would try to prove its independence by disallowing some of the pro-government parties signatures against opposition deputies, and then disallow the recall referendum on the President. He pushed hard several times for a plan under which the opposition would accept all the signatures against their deputies, including 9 from Ramos' AD, and go right to the recall elections. This would put pressure on the government to do the same, and eliminate the opportunity for the CNE to use the recall referendums against deputies as legitimating for its throwing out the presidential referendum. 8. (C) Salas responded strongly to DAS DeShazo's comment that the opposition parties' negative sniping at the CNE was perceived as counterproductive and that they were seen as lacking a unified, positive message. Salas declared that the opposition was responsible for making the CNE an acceptable arbiter, despite it having a pro-government majority, and they had every right to want to them to be closely watched, and reminded of their responsibilities. He said the CNE had not earned its credibility, but been given it. 9. (C) Borges also stressed the delays of the CNE in verifying the signatures, and asked DAS DeShazo if it would be acceptable to the international community if the delays of the CNE led to the recall referendum taking place after August, when the VP would substitute a defeated Chavez, rather than a popularly elected leader. He suggested this might be the CNE's intention in drawing out the verification process. DAS DeShazo responded that there was a limit, though not quantified, as to how much delay was acceptable, and that the circumstances and reasons for any delay would be a factor in determining the response of the international community. He stressed that both the GOV and CNE have pledged that the process will be transparent and fair and that the USG regards these as markers upon which to judge results. Borges stressed that the constant addition of new rules to a signature verification process added uncertainty to the process. 10. (C) Juan Fernandez stressed the tremendous distrust between the two sides, and the need to complete actions according to a pre-established timetable to build trust. He also suggested an agreement between the sides not to run to the courts to contest any outcome, as this would generate further tension. The Ambassador pointed out that a constitutional right was involved, but Fernandez suggested that the situation required some sort of corporative agreement between the sides to protect the peace. He also suggested Carter to help set up a direct line of communication between the two sides to help bring down tension. 11. (C) In a sustained aside conversation with AD leader Henry Ramos, DeShazo opined that for the opposition to be effective, it needed to reach out to public opinion with a coordinated, coherent, and positive public message, put forward a program or plan of action, and reach out not only to oppositionists but also to independents and chavistas. He noted that he was hearing in many circles that opposition carping at the CNE at this early stage in the verification process was counterproductive. Ramos agreed, offering strong criticism of the disunity of the opposition and its public affairs and seconding the need to reach agreement soonest on coordinating action and designing a platform. ------- Comment ------- 12. (C) The leaders welcomed this opportunity to meet with DAS DeShazo. The concern about CNE foot-dragging is the preponderant theme for the opposition. They discount that pressuring the CNE could backfire and will no doubt continue to make their views known. The marches January 23 are part of the strategy. DeShazo's message was unmistakable throughout his visit: support for the CNE -- and the important OAS and Carter Center observation -- as the way to achieve the OAS resolution's call for a democratic, peaceful, constitutional, and electoral solution. The G-5 bristled at the implied criticism of their carping, but took the message on board. 13. (U) DAS DeShazo reviewed this message. SHAPIRO NNNN
Latest source of this page is cablebrowser-2, released 2011-10-04