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| Identifier: | 04COLOMBO72 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 04COLOMBO72 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Colombo |
| Created: | 2004-01-14 10:00:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PREL PGOV EAID CE NO EU JA LTTE |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 000072 SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR D, SA, SA/INS; NSC FOR E. MILLARD PLEASE ALSO PASS TOPEC E.O. 12958: DECL: 01-14-14 TAGS: PREL, PGOV, EAID, CE, NO, EU, JA, LTTE - Peace Process SUBJECT: Donors find agreement over Akashi visit scenario and discuss impact of political impasse on aid Refs: (A) Colombo 54; (B) Oslo 64 (U) Classified by Ambassador Jeffrey J. Lunstead. Reasons 1.5 (b,d). 1. (SBU) SUMMARY: The Tokyo Co-chairs and the larger donor group both agreed that the Akashi visit should include an informal meeting with the donors only, followed by a meeting with GSL -- and LTTE, if they would come. Meetings will be low-key, with no communique or press release. Akashi will visit LTTE headquarters in Kilinochchi. All donors, except the U.S., will participate in the LTTE Planning and Development Secretariat meeting on January 19. Donors grappled with the question of how to move forward on assistance during the current political impasse and what message to send. END SUMMARY. Co-chairs Agree on Akashi Scenario ---------------------------------- 2. (SBU) Tokyo Co-chairs -- Japan, U.S., Norway, EU, and Netherlands for EU Presidency -- met January 12 at the Chief of Mission level, principally to discuss the Akashi January 19-25 visit and the Japanese desire to have a "Second Follow-up Meeting to the Tokyo Conference" on January 23. Japanese Ambassador Suda said that such a meeting should be as informal as possible, a consultation on the current situation and what was happening on the assistance front. There would be no attempt to reach agreement on an action. The GSL would be invited to participate, but would be asked to avoid long speeches. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) would be invited, but no one expected them to show up. 3. (SBU) Akashi noted that some other Co-chairs had asked for an informal donor meeting with Akashi before the government meeting. Akashi was "concerned about that idea," Suda said, feeling it could present an impression of donor collusion. Others, including the U.S., argued strongly for such a meeting, as it would be a useful opportunity for the donors and Akashi to exchange ideas privately. Suda eventually gave in and said he would suggest the idea to Tokyo. 4. (SBU) Ambassador Lunstead said that while all parties agreed a communique would not be useful, we could utilize the Akashi visit for another purpose and feed the press at the same time. There is great misconception throughout Sri Lanka about what is happening on assistance -- in LTTE areas, people insist there is no development going on in the North and East, while in the South, people insist all of the assistance is going to the North and East. The Akashi visit would offer a useful platform to issue a fact sheet showing the amount of assistance Sri Lanka was receiving (twice as much in 2003 as the year before) and where it was going -- to areas throughout the country. All agreed this was a good idea. 5. (SBU) Ambassador Suda said that Akashi would visit LTTE headquarters at Kilinochchi for discussions with Tiger political leader S.P. Thamilchelvam, probably on January 24. Other co-chairs suggested that the visit might better come before the donor meetings in Colombo, so that Akashi could report on his conversations. Suda accepted the logic, but said scheduling might be a problem. Larger Donor Group Endorses Ideas --------------------------------- 6. (SBU) The larger donor group, which adds to the Co- chairs other bilateral donors (Sweden, Australia, France, Canada, UK, Switzerland and Germany), and multilaterals (ADB, World Bank, IMF, UNDP, and UNHCR) met the following day, January 13. The group expressed support for the decisions taken by the co-chairs the previous day on an informal meeting and on a press release summarizing assistance to date. Ambassador Lunstead briefed the group on the high-level Co-chairs meeting to be held in February. The group discussed what messages and actions could be useful during the current political impasse, including: -- INTERIM ADMINISTRATION: There was general agreement that an interim mechanism needed to be developed to administer assistance to the North and East. With the peace negotiations stalled, there could be no decisions on a formal interim administration. This could be something like the North/East Rehabilitation Fund (NERF), which never got off the ground. -- OVERALL MESSAGE: Donors also discussed what position they should take on assistance with the peace negotiations stalled, especially in light of the Tokyo Declaration statement that "assistance by the donor community must be closely linked to substantial and parallel progress in the peace process." World Bank Resrep Harrold stated that "donors must express their displeasure and indicate they cannot proceed at Tokyo levels," i.e., at the full $4.5 billion level. Norway noted that much assistance to the North and East had been held up after the LTTE pulled out of peace talks. With LTTE now stating it was ready to talk, but the GSL unable to do so, the Tigers would want aid to flow to their areas. How would donors answer that request? 7. (SBU) The group discussed the invitation from the newly formed LTTE "Planning and Development Secretariat" to attend a meeting on "Rehabilitation and Development Needs of Northeastern Sri Lanka" on January 19 in Kilinochchi. All participants except the U.S. said they intended to attend the meeting at the "technical" level. The question was raised whether donors could recognize this new LTTE institution and work with it on setting priorities. The World Bank thought that the LTTE would certainly suggest that the donors direct funds to the North and East through this institution -- all agreed that would not be acceptable. 8. (SBU) For several months, we have been trying to get the Japanese to agree to set up a mid-level working group to monitor progress of the peace process, as set out in paras 18 and 20 of the Tokyo Declaration, and especially with regard to the milestones laid down in para 18. (While the peace negotiations are stalled, the peace process continues every day.) The former Japanese Ambassador had stalled and delayed. In a carefully orchestrated maneuver, Canada, Netherlands, the U.S. and the UK brought this idea forward again. The group's unanimity of support overcame Ambassador Suda's reluctance, and the group will now be established under UK lead. Donors can have up to two participants, one from the development side and one from the political side. COMMENT ------- 9. (C) The advent of the new Japanese ambassador has led to a much more productive co-chairs atmosphere. The collaborative approach on planning the Akashi visit and the agreement on a working group are good steps forward. We consider that donor group solidarity is important, especially in dealing with the LTTE, which would love to split the donors up. The new atmosphere helps to strengthen that solidarity. At same time, all donors appear to be wrestling with the vexing problem of how to proceed with assistance while negotiations are stalled due to the political impasse in South. Widespread feeling seems to be that opening floodgates of Tokyo assistance is not appropriate, but that donors also want to (a) provide badly needed assistance to conflict- devastated areas in the North and East and (b) not build resentment in the South or negatively affect chances for a resolution of the political impasse. This will require a delicate balance. END COMMENT. 10. (U) Minimize considered. LUNSTEAD
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