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| Identifier: | 04GUATEMALA58 |
|---|---|
| Wikileaks: | View 04GUATEMALA58 at Wikileaks.org |
| Origin: | Embassy Guatemala |
| Created: | 2004-01-13 15:06:00 |
| Classification: | CONFIDENTIAL |
| Tags: | PGOV PREL PINR EAID GT |
| Redacted: | This cable was not redacted by Wikileaks. |
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. 131506Z Jan 04
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 GUATEMALA 000058 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/13/2014 TAGS: PGOV, PREL, PINR, EAID, GT SUBJECT: NEW GOVERNMENT AND MAJOR OPPOSITION PARTY AGREE ON GOVERNABILITY PACT Classified By: PolCouns David Lindwall for reason 1.5 (d). 1. (C) Summary: The incoming GANA government reached agreement on January 12 with the UNE and PAN delegations in Congress to elect the congressional leadership board and to support a progressive legislative agenda. The agreement gives the center-left UNE party of Alvaro Colom the Presidency of Congress and divides the major committees evenly between GANA and UNE. After negotiations between GANA and UNE broke down on January 11, and at the request of Vice President-elect Eduardo Stein, the Ambassador met with UNE leader Colom early on January 12 to encourage him to find a compromise. The agreement that was reached excludes the FRG from the Congressional leadership slate (though they will be offered the chairmanship of some commissions) and makes it possible for the Berger Government to begin its mandate without a hostile legislature. End summary. 2. (U) Late in the evening of January 12, negotiators for GANA reached agreement with the newly-elected Congressional leaders for the center-left UNE party and center-right PAN to form a loose legislative coalition for the purposes of electing the new Congressional leadership slate and supporting a legislative agenda that includes Peace Accord implementation and fiscal reform. Between them, the three parties have close to a hundred votes (out of 158), ensuring that they can elect the leadership slate at the inaugural session on January 14. Under the terms of the agreement, UNE (which came in second in the December 28 presidential runoff election) will get the positions of President, First Vice President and First Secretary of Congress (the officer who manages the Congressional budget -- and patronage), while Gana will get the next tier of positions (Note: UNE will share its positions with the PAN. End note). GANA will get the chairmanship of the Budget Committee, and UNE/PAN will get the Oversight Committee. GANA and UNE/PAN will evenly split fourteen more committees, and the remaining committees will be divided between the FRG and the small parties. In principle, UNE/PAN are committed to support GANA for the presidency of Congress in 2005. The agreement also commits the parties to supporting a legislative agenda covering social and economic policy. 3. (C) GANA and UNE had been negotiating the governability pact long before the December 28 runoff elections, and had reached basic agreement on the outlines. Ill will following a bruising campaign, however, led Colom to renege on the original commitment and insist on new concessions that would have virtually emasculated GANA's legislative power. At the request of Vice President-elect Eduardo Stein, the Ambassador met on January 12 with UNE Secretary General Colom to hear his views on the impasse and to urge Colom to not break off the negotiations with GANA in the pursuit of an agreement that would ensure governability. Colom acknowledged that UNE would ultimately have to reach agreement with GANA, as he would not contemplate the only alternative -- negotiating with the FRG. Colom said that UNE's decision to vote with the FRG in the closing legislative session (on an important bill limiting the new government's budgetary flexibility) was taken solely to show GANA that it had to negotiate seriously with UNE, but that UNE did not want to form an unholy alliance with the FRG. 4. (C) GANA leaders told us early on January 12 that Oscar Berger had responded to Colom's threats to withdraw from the governability pact by asking his negotiators to not break off talks with UNE. He viewed an agreement with UNE (and the PAN) as critical, despite their demands for new concessions. GANA has no illusions that UNE will be a faithful partner in the Congress over the long run, but the governability pact will keep the opposition parties from banding together during this first year to exclude GANA from the Congressional leadership and the key Budget Committee. Meanwhile, GANA is actively (if discreetly) trying to recruit defectors from all the parties in Congress -- a time-honored, if unsavory, tradition in Guatemala. GANA currently has 52 legislators (out of 158), and there are reports that up to 22 UNE legislators (out of 33 elected for UNE) want to join. UNE leaders accuse GANA of buying off their congressmen with cash payments. There are reports of expected defections from PAN, the FRG and the Partido Unionista as well. 5. (C) Comment: The governability pact, while not a guarantee of blanket legislative support for the Executive, was a major coup for Berger. The alternative -- a pact between UNE and the FRG -- would have given full control of Congress to Berger's enemies. Berger's instinct to seek a compromise (opposed to the preference of some of his advisors to confront) was critical to securing this agreement. Berger still has an uphill battle to build a legislative majority loyal to him, but the prospects are better with the FRG marginalized and several key legislative leadership positions in GANA's hands. HAMILTON
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